After Susurluk, some members of the contra-guerrillas took advantage of the situation to stop their "work". Whenever possible, they fled abroad and gave opposition forces information about massacres they had participated in, and disclosed who had put them up to it. One of these is Murat Ipek, a former member of the PKK, who turned traitor and spent years working for the state.
[Article in Ozgur Politika of February 11th 1997]
When did you begin your treason?
Ipek: I joined the PKK in 1987. I used the name Mustafa. On February 10 1992 I was arrested at the Cizre bridge. The same year, having turned traitor, I was brought to the E type prison in Diyarbakir. A short time later I was sentenced by the State Security Court. In the organisation I helped the official responsible for Cizre.After my release I started working with a unit of the anti-terror detachment in Sirnak. They tested me. Unal Erkan wanted me to kill someone called Biseng to see how far I could be trusted. After Newroz 1992, Unal Erkan came to Sirnak. He got everyone together. He asked, "Who took part in the events (Newroz) here?" The police mentioned the name of Biseng Anik. Unal said to me, "Take care of him." He gave me this task in order to test me.
Biseng Anik's house was in front of the mosque. We and the civil police brought him in and he was tortured in the police station. I was told that in his house a policeman was lynched by the people during the Newroz events. They gave me a G-3 weapon they had in the police station and I killed him with a bullet through the head.
Did you carry out any further tasks?
Ipek: On August 18 1992 Mehmet Ertak and the lawyer A. Rahim Demir were both buried together. The police chief Necati Altintas and the TEM chief Mehmet Kaplan said that this man, Mehmet Ertak, who lived on Agabey mountain, had to be killed. We got into an armoured car and drove off. Near the city, not far from a coal mine, we stopped, got out and killed. We had put on guerrilla clothing and dirtied our hands. We said, "We killed a terrorist."
In Cizre, Abdurrahman Cengiz owned a petrol station. Together with the traitor Ismail, also known as Zana, we arrested him. Alaatin Kanat drove the car.
In the Sirnak area we kept Guclukonak Kasrik prisoner in a ravine. I kept an eye on him. The order to abduct him came from Unal Erkan. The police chief Necati Altintas gave us the same command. Kanat drove with Zana, taking banknotes into the city. When they came back they had a bag with them. He gave me 25 million Turkish lira from it. After we had gone, lorry drivers rescued the man. The car we used had the number plate 34 N 7423. The governor Unal Erkan and the police director of Cizre said we should split up and leave the area. Then the police chief of Cizre, Cevat Deniz, wanted to take us away. Zana, who at that time was in Diyarbakir prison in the cell block reserved for traitors, pulled a gun on the director. So they could not arrest us. We went to Diyarbakir and stayed in the Demir Hotel. The state lawyer's office of Cizre was looking for us. So we fired a rocket and threw a grenade at the advocates' office. We said, "If you come looking for us again, we will kill you." He did not come a second time.
Together with Alaatin Kanat we went back to Sirnak. I think Kanat was in prison at the time. He was needed afterwards. I was also called from Cizre to attend a hearing. In Cizre we killed Sivan, whose codename was Abdulvahap, without the knowledge of the police chief, and then we buried the body."
"We murdered Musa Anter*"
Ipek: Musa Anter came to Diyarbakir. Anter was summoned by the city administration for September 15 1992, to prepare for a cultural festival. Scarcely had he arrived before he was being tracked by the police. We had our instructions.
Who gave them?
Ipek: We asked who gave the orders. Alaatin Kanat received the order from Yesil. They gave the order for Anter to be fetched from the hotel. We were a team. Besides Kanat, there was Adil Timurtas, myself, Kahraman Bilgic, Zana and Mesut Mehmetoglu. A day before the event three of us went to the Buyul Hotel where Anter was staying. (It was about 2300.) At the reception desk we said we wanted to see Anter. The employee sent us away because Anter did not want to see us. We left the hotel and reported to Kanat. An hour later we went to the hotel again. In the hotel we met the same employee and asked again.
Anter was annoyed with the employee and said, "At this time of night I wouldn't receive my own father." The hotel employee sent us away again. The first day ended in failure.
Two evenings later we went with Kanat to the hotel, carrying a compass. We told the employee at reception that we wanted to bring Musa Anter a compass. A little later he came back and said Musa Anter would see us. Then Musa Anter came with Orhan Miroglu. In front of the hotel I got into a car. We drove direct to Seyrantepe. Kanat's car was in front of us. There was another car behind us.
Towards Seyrantepe we turned down the Ergani road. Then we stopped. Kanat got into our car. Musa Anter recognised Kanat. They knew each other. Anter turned his head and did not speak. Orhan Miroglu on the other hand spoke to us. After that we drove onto the Silvan road and a little later we stopped. We got out and Kanat took Musa Anter by the arm. Anter said, "Children, you are making a mistake." We followed them both. Then a signal was given. The first bullet fired by Alaatin Kanat hit Musa Anter in the head. Then we fired as well. (Four bullets hit Musa Anter.) Orhan Miroglu started to run away. We began to shoot at him. After the killing of Musa Anter, soldiers nearby began to fire in the air. We panicked and fled the area. We came to Dicle University and stopped. A little later came a minibus with civil police on board. We got into it. Our three vehicles were taken away by the civil police. Last year (1996) Cemil and village guards he brought from Egil murdered teachers in Hantepe*. The gendarmerie corporal immediately came and threatened me, saying I could not kill the village chieftain. I said, "I will kill him," and this annoyed him. So soon afterwards he arrested my uncle who lived in the village.
Do you know where Alaatin Kanat is?
Ipek: He is neither in the Kirklareli prison, nor is he in the one at Kalecik. Kanat still works in the gendarmerie commandant's office at Diyarbakir in the service of Ersin Bagi, and he still drives a Renault Menajer with the number 06.
The Confession By Mayor Cem Ersever
"You ever heard of Alaatin Kanat? ... I think he was a PKK member in 1986. He quickly rose up in the organisation. He was responsible for the regions of Mardin and Batman. In 1990 he was appointed as the responsible for Istanbul. That's where he killed the deputy-director of the Diyarbakir prison, major Esat Oktay Yildiran... But later he got into trouble with the organisation... He came to us and surrendered. He confessed. Until that time PKK-general Zinnar had been the most important person we got into our hands. Allaatin Kanat now lives in a house, property of the OHAL governor, in Diyarbakir. Alaatin Kanat has created a unit of his own, consisting of 30-40 traitors. He created this unit in the Diyarbakir prison from the cells of the traitors. Whenev er a new "singing bird" enters prison, they try to get him into their unit." "These units of traitors are called Star Units. We had a lot of Star Units. We had a Star Unit, exclusively consisting of women, which was sent into the mountains, and it was very successful."
"As I said before, these traitors were joined together in units. Another member was Recep Tiril. He is a psychopath. Another one had the code name Salman... This man with the code name Salman was form Eruh. Another member was Adem Yakin... He had been arrested in 1990 during the armed confrontation in Tahtoras. He is a traitor too. They all live in houses of the OHAL governor. The personnel of the president and the personnel of the Gendarmerie Command are all in the same place."
"This man with the code name Salman, I don't recall his real name, was also active in trafficking arms and heroin. Even after he became a traitor, he was arrested for robbery. Of course he was immediately freed again."
"You have written correctly: the Gendarmerie and the police participate in trafficking arms and heroin. They all co-operate."
The Main People Behind Susurluk
Mehmet Agar was born in Ankara, on September 31 1951. He is of Kurdish origin and an Alevi. He began his professional career as deputy commissioner in the department of security and the department of the prime minister. He worked as a regional director in several provinces.
In the 1970s Mehmet Agar received a special training in the USA for special police tasks. In 1979 he resumed his old job as deputy police director. In that period he became known for the new methods of torture he introduced.
After five years he was appointed as the second in command in the second police directorate in Istanbul. In 1988 he became police director of Ankara, and in 1990 he was appointed to the same position in Istanbul.
In 1992 he became governor of Erzurum. The DYP-SHP government in Ankara appointed him at the same time as police chief for the whole of Turkey.
The leader of the DYP, Tansu Ciller, proposed him in 1995 as a candidate for the elections of December 24 1995. He was the candidate for Erzurum and he won a seat in parliament.
After the elections he was appointed as minister of justice by the coalition government of DYP and ANAP.
After the collapse of the coalition he became interior minister in the new DYP and Refah government. After Susurluk he had to leave politics because his involvement in crime was too blatant. In the meantime, however, he may be making a comeback, perhaps as successor to the late fascist leader Alparslan Turkes.
The work of Mehmet Agar left a trail of blood since he became a member of the police force. The following documentation will give an impression of his doings.
The First Massacres. On July 2 1980, three revolutionaries were executed in Topkapi. Faruk Tuna, accused of hanging a banner with a forbidden text, died in custody as a result of brain trauma caused by torture.
On September 20 1980, Ahmet Karlangic was arrested. He died while he was tortured.
Hayrettin Eren, arrested on November 20 1980, was made "disappeared".
In police operations, under the responsibility of Mehmet Agar, people were executed without any trial:
On March 18 1981, Abdullah Gozalan was murdered in Bakirkoy.
On April 3 1981, Mehmet Selim was executed in Karakoy.
On April 7 1981, Selcuk Kucukciftci was executed in Istanbul.
On July 1 1982, Tahsin Elvan was murdered in Maslak.
In September 1987, Ala Demiralp was executed in Cengelkoy.
On April 30 1988, Salih Kul and Ozturk Acar were executed Topkapi.
Mehmet Agar's Time As Police Chief In Ankara. In September 1990, the arrested Newroz Turkdogan lost her 2.5 month old unborn child as a result of torture.
On October 5, the "Solidarity Association of the Relatives of Political Prisoners and Detainees" in Ankara was closed. On his orders the oppression and censorship against the socialist press were increased. Many papers and magazines were confiscat or banned, the publishers, editors and fellow-workers were arrested. Intellectuals and writers were sentenced to jail for more than 100 years together.
Mehmet Agar's Time As Police Chief In Istanbul. In the night of January 31 1990, thousands of policemen and soldiers surrounded the slum area of Kucukarmutlu in Istanbul. The houses were destroyed, many inhabitants were wounded, and hundreds of people were arrested. On February 16 1991, Ali Riza Erdogan, was thrown from the fourth floor of the police station in Beyoglu and murdered.
On March 12 1991, Esma Polat, was raped while in custody.
On March 14 1991, Yusuf Eristi "disappeared" in police custody.
On May 19 1991, Parihan Demirer was executed without trial.
On July 12 1991, ten revolutionaries were murdered in a police operation in Istanbul.
On September 1 1991, Ali Riza Karagoz was tortured to death by his torturers.
On October 27 1991, Huseyin Toroman was arrested in front of his house in Kocamustafapasa and he disappeared while in police custody in one of the torture centers.
The Balance Of His Time As Police Director Of Turkey. Number of murdered people in operations against houses and on the streets: 124
Number of people who were tortured to death: 22
Prison sentences for journalists: 122 years
Fines against journalists: 21 billion TL
Number of murdered journalists: 8
Number of arrested journalists: 55
Member of parliament from the DYP. Leading position in the contra-guerrillas and in drug dealing. The city of Lice is the centre of the heroin trade in the Republic of Turkey. There, Bucak commands a 10,000 strong unit of "village guards". With this, he is the unquestioned overlord of this area and responsible for the massacres that happen there. He described himself as a good friend of Catli.
He was the sole survivor of the Susurluk accident.
alias Mehmet Özbey
One of the leading personalities in the contra-guerrillas and the international drug trade.
In 1977, a leading member of the MHP, sentenced for the murder of seven members of the opposition TIP (Turkish Labour Party).
May 13 1981: Involvement in the assassination attempt against the Pope. The attempt was carried out by Mehmet Ali Agca, who was helped by Catli to escape from a Turkish prison a short time before. Catli also gave him the weapon he used. Some months after the attack, Catli made a statement as a witness at the trial against Agca and three other Turks (one of them Oral Celik) and three Bulgarians, and said the Bulgarian and Soviet secret services had ordered the attack.
It is not surprising that Catli was not arrested even though he was wanted by Interpol. At this time he developed a drugs and weapons trade involving Turkey, the Sicilian mafia and the CIA.
In 1982 he went to South America with the well-known civil fascist, drug dealer and Gladio member Stefano delle Chiae (who was sentenced for the bomb attack in Bologna in 1980 in which 81 people were killed) and then went with him to Miami, where they met CIA people.
According to a statement by Korkut Erken, he had been employed by MIT since 1983 to get rid of Kurdish, Armenian and Turkish revolutionaries living abroad.
In 1985 he appeared again as a witness against Ali Agca. Again, the Italian police made no attempt to arrest him. In these proceedings he said the West German secret services had paid him to say the Bulgarian and Soviet services were behind the attack on the Pope.
This was confirmed by the ex-CIA agent Melvin A. Goodman, who said at a hearing in the US Senate on September 25 1991: "The trail to the Bulgarian and Soviet secret services was invented to present the USSR as a force for evil and to divert attention from the close ties between the CIA and the far right in Turkey."
Catli went to prison, first in France and then in Switzerland, for involvement in drug dealing. He was released from jail in Switzerland by the Turkish secret service.
From 1994 he worked for the general police headquarters in Turkey.
It is known that Catli belonged to a group that was sent to the former Soviet Republic of Azerbaijan to stage a coup against its leader Haydar Aliyev.
In 1995 he was sent to Cyprus to arrange provocations. In one of these bomb attacks Kutlu Adali, a journalist on the newspaper Yeni Düzen, was killed.
Catli went to Cyprus on several occasions, where his bills were paid by OHAL (Military Property Firm) and where, according to available account statements, he received 65 billion Turkish lira. In Cyprus he had several meetings with Topal, in whose murder he was a participant.
Catli was killed in the Susurluk accident. At the time he was carrying a diplomatic passport which was arranged by Mehmet Agar personally.
At present, deputy prime minister and foreign minister of the Republic of Turkey. Took over from Demirel as chair of the DYP in 1993 and became prime minister of the coalition government with the SHP.
Ciller studied in the USA and is an American citizen. Her great wealth is the result of her ties to the mafia.
When she was sent to Turkey in 1993, the question arose among many as to why she left a nice place like America to assume the burdens of office in Turkey. Love for the fatherland certainly had nothing to do with it. When her role in the contra-guerrillas and mafia is examined, it is clear that she was offered these political offices in order to establish control over the heroin trade in Turkey. An offer she would find difficult to refuse. According to Korkut Erken, the drugs trade in Turkey has a turnover of 25 billion dollars every year!
There are indications that she knew Catli personally. Tansu Ciller and her husband Özer Ciller were more and more frequently named as ordering murder and drug dealing and acting as protectors of drug cartels.
President of Turkey since 1993
Was in opposition for years and made promises like "Nobody will be fetched by the police in the middle of the night! Torture shows contempt for human beings, we are against any form of torture. We guarantee freedom!" In 1991 he was elected into government. He kept none of his promises. During his time in office and also as president, the number of human rights violations increased. As head of the government and as president, he cannot say he had no idea what was going on.
At present, prime minister in the DYP and Refah coalition. Member of the Department for Special Warfare. The involvement of Refah and Hizbullah with the contra-guerrillas is still a relatively blank and undisclosed chapter in the recent disclosures. It is clear that as head of the government he knew where billions of Turkish lira went. Erbakan, like the ministers of his party, have up to now done nothing to throw light on the background to Susurluk or to bring those responsible to justice. Amongst other things, Justice Minister Sevket Kazan (Refah Party) has failed to sign applications to lift Mehmet Agar's immunity from prosecution.
Former head of the Department for Special Warfare. Former deputy police chief in Istanbul. His last position was head of the police school in Istanbul. He died in the Susurluk crash.
At the start of 1996 until November 1996 (Susurluk) police president of Istanbul. Former police president in Ankara.
At half past seven in the evening on November 3 1996, on a main road about seven kilometres from the town of Susurluk, a Mercedes with the licence plate 06 AC 600,driven by the senior police official Huseyin Kocadag and belonging to the member of parliament Sedat Bucak, collided with a lorry with the licence plate 20 RC721 whose driver had just come onto the main road from a petrol station stop. This accident resulted in the deaths of the former deputy police chief H. Kocadag (more recently trainer of the Special Police Units), Abdullah Catli (a murderer wanted by police throughout the world, a convicted drug dealer and a former deputy chairman of the fascist Grey Wolves) and Gonca Us (a former beauty queen heavily involved in drug dealing), and altered the course of everyday life in Turkey. As a result of this accident, the triangle of connections between the state, the mafia and the police were exposed. In Susurluk, a part of the Turkish state's true face was exposed. This is the face of the contra-guerrilla. The following chronology sets out the events which have taken place up to the present.
November 3 1996
After the accident, the interior minister Mehmet Agar said in his first statement that this accident was nothing out of the ordinary. When journalists asked if this proved a connection to the mafia, he answered: "the member of parliament Sedat Bucak is our friend. His friendship with former police chief Huseyin Kocadag is also quite normal. The car hit a lorry because of a failed attempt to overtake."
November 5 1996
After the accident, the press began to ask questions. The answers to some questions will be given later, while some still remain unanswered. Why did the car involved in the crash contain an entire arsenal? What were automatic weapons, of the MP5 model only used by police, doing in the car? What were silencers of types compatible with the automatic weapons doing in the car? Police do not use silencers, only assassins use them. Were they used to carry out "murders by unknown perpetrators"? A diplomatic passport belonging to Abdullah Catli was found in the car. How did a murderer and drug dealer come by such a passport? The pass was issued in Sanliurfa/Suruc, the home village of the MP Sedat Bucak. Which forces used Catli as a policeman? Where did the money, reportedly found in two briefcases in the car, come from? Was it drug money? Why did the briefcases disappear? Is the allegation true that the occupants of the car had just met A Cakici (a mafia boss) in Kusadasi? If so, what did they talk about? Already, bit by bit the network linking criminal bands and the state had been exposed, through internal disputes involving the gangs headed by Hayri Kozakcioglu (former governor of the state of emergency area [Kurdistan]) and Necdet Menzir (former police chief) on the one side and the bands of Erken (also a former governor of the state of emergency area) and Interior Minister Mehmet Agar on the other. This exposure has been accelerated by Susurluk.
When Kozakcioglu was transferred to Istanbul it was said he had taken a large sum of money out of the state's treasury. To cover him, President Demirel said he had sent him the money.
The Turkish security police department MIT has also broken its silence. In a published statement, it said that special units had been set up for the fight against the PKK (Kurdistan Workers' Party) and Devrimci-Sol (Revolutionary Left). These units, primarily formed from Grey Wolves members, had recourse to means such as extortion, theft, threats, drug dealing and murder.
Some members of the special units were issued with diplomatic passports and police IDs. Some were sent abroad to fight "terrorist groups". Moreover, money was obtained abroad by means of drug dealing. Police chiefs reportedly headed these units.
Catli received his pass from the state. He is said to have been involved in killing Kurds in Sapanca. He is also said to have played a leading role against the Armenian organisation ASALA. With the help of his connections to the officer Korkut Eken, who headed a similar gang, orders from the BOTAS business were entrusted to him.
Besides Abdullah Catli, other gang members have been named:
Haluk Kirici, born in Erzurum in 1958, who studied at Ankara University. Member of the Idealist Hearth associations of the Grey Wolves. Kirici was given a jail sentence for murder.
Abdurrahman Bugday (or Bulday), born 1959 in Elazig/Palu, graduated from the Ataturk secondary school in Malatya and is said to have killed a chauffeur named Sanverdi on Dec. 20, 1979.
Sami Hosnav (nicknamed Arnavut Sami), drug dealer in Spain, Holland and Colombia. He owns a shoe shop and has a share in a casino. Gangs are financed from its earnings.
Sedat Peker, member of the Grey Wolves, took part in their actions in Germany and Istanbul.
Mehmet Gozen, brother-in-law of Nurettin Guven, member of the Grey Wolves, being sought on a smuggling charge.
Ali Yasak (Drej Ali), a feared and notorious man in the underworld, belongs to the Bucak clan. He has good ties to police and parliament members.
November 6, 1996
Mehmet Agar's daughter stayed at the hotel where Bucak, Kocadag and Catli stayed overnight. It is probable that all three met Agar.
November 7, 1996
Mesut Yilmaz declares: "the state is occupied by thieves and murderers. We have a lot of proof." CHP deputies in parliament suggest setting up a parliamentary commission to investigate Susurluk. According to the press, Tansu Ciller sought Agar's resignation.
November 8, 1996
Interior Minister Agar resigned, using the pretext that his daughter was seriously ill. This does not put an end to the government's difficulties.
November 9, 1998
Meral Aksener is named interior minister. The ANAP (opposition party) deputy Carsancakli says: "It isn't just Agar who is involved. Ozer and Tansu Ciller are also involved. they are gang leaders. Catli phoned me a few times and said: `Yesterday I had supper with Ciller, if you have any work I can deal with it.' He was certainly someone who met Agar and ate with Ciller."
A card belonging to Haluk Kirici is said to have been found on the murderer Haluk Kirici. A senior civil servant said this was done so he could move about more freely, and added that when Kirici was arrested this year, the justice minister intervened and he was freed. One of the policemen being accused made a similar statement. Tansu Ciller is said to have set up paramilitary units and used money from a secret state fund to pay them.
November 11, 1996
According to a statement by the former MHP [fascist] and current ANAP member Avni Carsancakli, Catli was connected to the Special Warfare Department and regularly met Mehmet Agar.
November 13, 1996
Former Grey Wolves start talking, one after the other. Ibrahim Ciftici: "The state used us, Catli and those like him worked for the state. They carried out operations on behalf of the state. When we were in prison, officers came to us and told us we were friends of the fatherland. They urged us to fight the PKK and promised that the state would forgive us."
The chief advocate responsible for the Susurluk case said these people formed a gang to commit crimes. He signed several arrest orders accordingly.
The TV news shows a video of Catli, who was sought by Interpol, attending a wedding festival in the presence of the new interior minister, Meral Aksener, and various police chiefs.
November 14, 1996
The Istanbul lawyers' office says efforts to shed light on Susurluk are fruitless. The state lies behind it all, from drug smuggling to executions.
The weapons certificate held by Catli was signed by Mehmet Agar. This designated Catli as holding a special police director's pass. Moreover, Catli was twice released after being arrested.
Shortly after the accident, someone is said to have phoned from Ankara to demand that notebooks and lists of telephone numbers found at the scene of the accident should be made to disappear. This was immediately done.
H. Baybasin, Kurdish drug dealer, most recently active in Holland, was given a false identity card with which he had no problems in relation to military service or obtaining visas. The pass was given to him so he could settle drug dealing business abroad.
The CHP member of parliament from Erzincan, Mustafa Kul, said Catli was an adviser on Agar's staff and before the December 1994 elections he made an offer to him to become an MP.
In the car at the accident, a yellowish white powder wrapped in aluminium foil was found. It is assumed that this was heroin.
Mustafa Pehlivanoglu, who was sentenced for involvement in the 1981 murder of five people in a coffee shop, said: "I hope everyone who put me in this situation gets their just deserts. I have been condemned to death and I therefore want to tell the people the truth. We all carried out murders and assaults on the orders of Catli."
November 15, 1996
In a broadcast on Channel D, Mesut Yilmaz declares that Bucak's bodyguards are enforcers. He says also that members of the Special Units killed the gambling chief Omer Topal, and statements by the killers and witnesses are available on video. He said the state murdered with its own hands.
Agar says he never met Catli.
Investigations against a mafia gang, the Yuksekova gang, continue. Six members who operated in Hakkari, in the southeast, were arrested.
The wife of Medet Serhat, a lawyer for Kurdish businessmen and mafiosi who was killed by persons unknown, said her husband was probably shot from a distance of two or three metres by Agansoy (a mafia member killed by Catici and Ciller's bodyguards).
Lab tests show the powder in the crash vehicle was cocaine.
November 16, 1996
Tuncer Gunay, investigative journalist states that after the coup of 1980 Abdullah Catli, Huseyin Kocadag, Alaatin Cakici and Oral Celik were given the task by the state to lead special units in actions against the Armenian organisation ASALA. According to Gunay, Catli murdered Agoc Agopyan. Furthermore Catli is said to have taken Agca out of prison and he played an active role in the murders of Behcet Canturk and Savas Buldan. Gunay states he knows Catli since 1979 and he met him last in August, 1996.
Catli is said to have gone abroad in 1980. In that period suddenly the attacks against ASALA started. ASALA is said to have not possessed a mass base and supposedly consisted of units of some 20 militants. During meetings of the general staff with leaders of the Special Operation Units, it was discussed how ASALA could be destroyed. In that period there were only two organisations in Turkey who would have been capable of doing that: the Turkish secret service MIT and the police. But it was impossible for both to conduct actions abroad, considering the laws of that time. Instead these two forces were to establish special units who were going to do the job. The legendary MIT deputy-chief Hiram Abas was also involved in leading these units. The developments after the murder of "Casino King" Luftu Topal show the relations between state-mafia-police even more clearly. According to the statements of the policemen from the 3rd Special Unit, who were interrogated, Topal was also involved in drug trafficking. As those responsible for the murder, they named Tansu Ciller and Mehmet Agar. Mehmet Agar stated to the chief-editor of the Hurriyet, Ertugrul Ozturk: "We've carried out thousands of operations. But I can not tell more about this. The result of our operations was peace for the people. It has been quiet in Turkey for three years now. But from now on we cannot take anymore risks. In Cizre it was even impossible to walk peacefully across the street. But now there is no difference anymore between the West and the East." Sadik Avunduoglu, chairman of the parliamentary investigation committee for murders by unknown perpetrators, stated the wealth of Ciller was clear evidence for her involvement with the mafia.
As a result of the accident in Susurluk:
the MIT report and the accusations it contains became public;
it became known that Interpolhad a international arrest warrant issued against Abdullah Catli;
it was revealed that Catli received a diplomatic passport anyway;
it was probable that Bucak, Catli and Kocadag met Agar in the Princess Hotel;
it is thought that the nephew and the brother of the leader of the Soylemez gang, Sene Soylemez, were murdered by a gang, led by Bucak;
it became known that the murderer Haluk Kirici, wanted for the massacre in Bahcelievler 18 years ago, carried a card with him, signed by Mehmet Agar, identifying him as a protÈgÈ;
it was revealed that an assault was planned against Abdullah Catli in 1996, involving a policeman;
it was discovered that the members of the Special Operation Teams, Tekdemir from Ankara and Mehmet Hadi Ozcan met Catli in Catli's villa;
it became clear that Catli was taken out of a Swiss prison, where he was jailed because of drug trafficking, most likely by the CIA;
it became clear that Turgul Turkes, the deputy chairman of the MHP (and of the leading drug traffickers) met Catli in Nakhichevan and had something to do with the former president of Azerbaijan, Elchibey,
Omer Ay, one of the closest friends of Catli in the 1970s, stated that Catli cooperated with the state since the coup of September 12, 1980, carrying out special operations;
it became known that the gun which Catli had registered belonged to Nihat Yasak who recently lost his life during a confrontation.
November 17, 1996:
President Demirel to the press: "Let's not burn down the whole house because of one mouse. Susurluk was a mistake by the state." According to the putschist general Evren, they used the Grey Wolves for special actions. The MIT even made use of enemies, and if this was going to continue, soon nobody would want to work for the state. Necdet Menzir is said to have phoned chief of police Mehmet Agar, warning him not to send his people to Menzir's area.
Bodyguards of Sedat Bucak on trial for carrying out executions. Ayhin Carkin and Omer Kaplan, official bodyguards of Sedat Bucak, are being prosecuted for murder in five different cases, killing 13 people. One of the cases is the attack against the coffee-shop Beyaz Saraz in Okmeydani, August 13, 1993, in which five people were murdered. Witnesses testified that Selma Catlak (Tan) was shot in front of their eyes, after she had surrendered. In the two trials against both bodyguards, the prosecutor demanded 48 years of imprisonment in total. The trials still continue. The courts are still busy with the operation of January 27, 1992, in Mahmutbey in which Servet Sanim, Ismail Cengiz Gizenek and Huseyin Yasar were murdered, the operation of March 24, 1992 in Bahcelievler in which Ibrahim Yalcin Arikan, Avni Turan and Recia Dincer were murdered (for the 2nd Court for Capital Crimes in Bakirkoy), the attack on March 6, 1993 in Kartal in which Bedri Yagan, Gurcan Ozgur, Menekse Meral and Rifat-Asiye Kasap were killed. The massacre in Okmeydani, mentioned above, in which Selma Catlak, Mehmet Salgin, Sabri Atilmis,Hakan Kasa and Nebi Akyurek were murdered, is now being tried by the 2nd Court for Capital Crimes in Istanbul. The massacre of April 16-17 in Ciftehavuzlar in which Sabahat Karatas, Sinan Kukul, Taskin Usta and Eda Yuksel were murdered, is being tried by the Court for Capital Crime in Kayseri. The murder of Ibrahim Ilci is being tried by the 4th Court for Capital Crimes in Istanbul. The murder of Nurten Demir and Ismail Akarcesme is tried by the 1st Court for Capital Crime in Beyoglu...
November 21, 1996:
Sedat Bucak is on HBB Television. Bucak, claiming he has 30,000 armed men under his command, says he loved Catli like a brother. While he covers Catli with compliments, he warns Yilmaz to be very careful. Mesut Yilmaz states there are even ministers who give orders to the mafia: "These people are used for jobs which do not benefit the state, they benefit the interests of certain political tendencies. They cooperate with criminals for the money." The papers report that Agar had a secret meeting on September 2, 1993, with the leaders of the Bucak clan. On this occasion, 1,500 Kalashnikovs were given to the clan. The same offer was made to other clans, but most of them declined. The members of the Bucak clan received the assurance that there would be no unpleasant investigations into the affairs of the clan members in case they agreed to fight against the PKK. Agar is said to have ordered the murder of the Soylemez gang which is in jail. For this reason, Sedat Peker, convicted for the possession of drugs, murder and assault - and probably a member of the Grey Wolves - went to the prison where he beats up the prison director, saying: "Why have they not been killed yet?" Agar is said to have been Haluk Kirici wedding's witness. When pictures of the wedding were published in the papers, Agar claimed he did not have any idea whose wedding witness he had been.
November 22, 1996:
The office of Mesut Yilmaz is said to be bugged.
November 23, 1996:
Catli's widow about the connections of her late husband: "It's possible some state officials helped my husband. He did work together with the state. But he didn't have a high opinion about that. It was known who Catli was, and therefore they never disturbed him. My husband did not escape from this prison in Switzerland, he was liberated, as everybody knows." The CHP chairman Deniz Baykal states: "When the events in Susurluk are solved, Ugur Dundar (television journalist) and Dogu Perincek (publisher of the paper Aydinlik) will die. Everybody will get his turn. The state kills people. We must get rid of this burden, the state is executing its people. In Turkey, people are blackmailed, kidnapped and murdered."
Ciller calls Bucak, who plays a major role in the triangle of mafia-state-police, a hero: "He fought against terror like a hero, nobody should make the mistake to forget the past of these people."
November 25, 1996:
The people are protesting. Several mass organisations set up committees to show their reaction to the public. The democratic mass organisations started to set up associations against organised crime. Mehmet Gul, former chairman of the Ulku Ocaklari (association of the Grey Wolves) in Istanbul, says Catli escaped from prison in Switzerland in the time that ANAP was in government and that Catli cooperated in the ANAP party congress. Party chairman Yilmaz is said to have met Catli before the congress. Yilmaz needed the support of the 300-500 fascist-orientated delegates to win the congress, and that is where Catli came in. Catli primarily worked for Akbulut, but he also gave his support to Yilmaz. A former member of parliament and former minister of culture in the period Catli was in a Swiss prison, says: "Everybody who has been prime minister or minister of the interior in Turkey should know Catli travelled abroad as an agent, and they do know." ANAP party chairman Mesut Yilmaz was attacked by former fascists (at present mafia members) in the Hilton hotel in Budapest.
November 27, 1996:
Police director Alaatin Yuksel reports investigations in the last six months revealed the existence of several gangs to which some 30 policemen belonged. Yuksel says 350 policemen were suspended in one year and some 100 files still had to be treated. It was again said that the death of gendarmerie commander Esref Bitlis had not been the result of an accident, but that his plane had been sabotaged. It is said that Bitlis was murdered by a uniformed gang in Yuksekova. PKK renegade Kahraman Bilgic is supposed to belong to that gang as well. These are no village guards, these are criminal gangs. The village guards present a disturbing picture. In 11 years, 23,000 temporary village guards were sacked, primarily because of murder, kidnapping, drug trafficking and arms dealing. There are 76,906 village guards in Turkey, 14,872 of them are volunteers. Ciller defends Catli: "Those who fire bullets for this state, or who are shot, are remembered with respect, they are honourable."
November 28, 1996:
Refah Party delegate Firat says: "Sedat Bicak has connections with the contra-guerrillas, when the truth about the gangs is revealed, the oppression in the east will also come to light. Sedat Bucak and his clan are doing nothing that could be of benefit for Turkey, they are only involved in organised crime and murder." In 1982, Abdullah Catli went to Latin America, together with the Italian della Chiesa, from there they went to Miami. The Turkish and the Italian Gladio work together in the US.
A law to save Gladio. The minister of justice is preparing a new law. According to this law, the number of crimes which are tried by the State Security Court will be reduced. Membership of a criminal association (the mafia) will in future no longer be a case for the State Security Court ("to reduce the workload of the State Security Court"), it will become a case for the normal courts.
A newspaper publishes the following article: "The victims of the gangs were Kurds and Armenians. The first job of A. Catli and his gang, used in Turkey for murder and trained by the Special Units, was the murder of Vedat Aydin through torture. Later, at the funeral, these people opened fire at the then party chairman Fehmi Isiklar and his friends. A. Catli and his friends committed this murder, controlled by state institutions. Musa Anter, a critical author, was murdered by these gangs. Sedat Bucak sheltered these murderers. It would be naive to think the governor of the region knew nothing about this." After the office of the paper Ozgur Gundem was bombed, the police director of Istanbul Menzir pointed at Agar as the one who gave the order, but nothing was done. Thousands of people were murdered by these criminal gangs. High-ranking officers, governors in this region and the former National Police Director Agar knew about it. Almost all papers carry reports about these accusations.
November 30, 1996:
The expert about the drug trade between Germany and Turkey, Harald Luder, explains that morphine is processed to heroin in laboratories in Istanbul. Turkey has been transformed into one gigantic drug laboratory. A parliamentary investigation commission began looking into the connections between the mafia, the police and the state. But the democratic institutions have no hope the commission will unearth the truth. The chairman of the European Islam Association (ATIB), and accused of being an accessory in the plot against the pope, Musa Serdar Celebi, states in the press: "The murders smell of the state. In Turkey, murders by unknown perpetrators are committed by a dark force. You can call it Gladio or the Department for Special Warfare if you like, but they really exist in Turkey. They accused the Ulkucus (Grey Wolves) then, but in reality it was Gladio. Gladio is walking around freely."
December 2, 1996:
A reporter for the news agency Reuters interviewed Sedat Bucak, the only survivor of the Susurluk accident. He reported: "Bucak, leading one of the strongest clans in eastern Turkey, lives like a feudal landlord. He has thousands of armed men under his command to fight against the PKK. The government in Ankara, which has a policy of suppressing Kurdish rebellions by using clans, applied the same policy as early as 1925 against the rebellion which was led by Sheikh Said. The state granted the clans which fight the PKK social and military privileges, thus creating a state within a state. For example: Sedat Bucak doesn't supply more than 2,000 village guards. But he claims to have 10,000 village guards in arms, so he receives 1.3 million dollars each month." The money which was extorted from Omer Lutfu Topal was taken from the bank by the murdered MIT [Turkish state intelligence agency] spy Tarik Umit. Although the police discovered the money transfers, no measures were taken.
December 3, 1996:
There are at least two gangs within the state. The minister of Industry said: "The state is surrounded by gangs. It looks like there are at least two gangs,fighting each other." It is reported that at least 3,200 people were urdered by "unknown perpetrators" in the southeast of the country, hundreds of people in this region make a living by murdering people. Besides intellectuals and democratic journalists like Musa Anter, Vedat Aydin and Ferhat Tepe, gang members like Ahmet Cem Ersever from the JITEM (Gendarmerie Intelligence Service) also became victims of internal gang wars. The papers write about three major gangs among many others. One of them is the Diyarbakir group, the second is the Sirnak group and the third one, considered the most dangerous, is called "Sakallilar" (the "full-bearded ones"). This information is said to have come from Cem Ersever,before he was murdered. Cem Ersever, a long-time MIT agent, then founder and chief of the JITEM, stepped down and told his friends and relatives that traitors were involved in criminal affairs. They were said to be active in drug trafficking, robbery and car theft. No state official can say these facts are false, that Cem Ersever was lying. The Turkish Republic depends on traitors. Most unsolved murders were committed by these traitors.
December 5, 1996:
The party chairman of the MHP (fascists), Alparslan Turkes concedes: the state has used Abdullah Catli. It is claimed that Ciller ordered Ahmet Demir (known as Yesil ["Green"]) to kill Abdullah Ocalan, giving him 25 billion TL from a secret fund.
Yesil supposedly got scared and did not carry out the assault. However, he kept the money. The murder should have been carried out by Yesil and Abdullah Catli.
The former Refah (Welfare Party) deputy, Hasan Mezarci claims Prime Minister Necmettin Erbakan belongs to the Special Warfare Department, the source of all the gangs. Erbakan's statement that he would dismantle the gangs if they really existed, is called untrustworthy by Mezarci: "Erbakan does not want to solve this case. He just wants to cover it up... Nobody is sincere, concerning solving the case. The gangs are not important, the Special Warfare Department is... This department - right-wing, left-wing, fundamentalist and nationalist gangs, it uses and protects them, until they are of no more use. Then they produce new gangs. The problem is not Catli, there are thousands of Catlis who work for the state."
December 6, 1996:
The minister of the Interior, Meral Aksener, suspends police chief Kemal Yazicioglu, the chief of the Special Warfare Department, Ibrahim Sahin, the deputy chief of police Bilgi Unal and the three bodyguards of Sedat Bucak, Ercan Ersoy, Ayhan Carkin and Oguz Yorulmaz. Ugur Dundar presents his program: the murder of Omer Lutfu Topal was solved, but the investigations were stopped by Ankara. Yazicioglu was suspended because he passed his information about the murder of O. Lutfu Topal to Prime Minister Erbakan. New accusations:
There were two more persons involved in Omer Lutfu Topal's casino in the Sheraton Hotel in Istanbul: Sami Hostan ("Arnavut Sami") and Mehmet Ozbay (Abdullah Catli); Catli wanted to buy Topal's share, but he refused. - It was decided to kill Topal. The major roles in this murder were played by Arnavut Sami and one of his men. Ali Tevfik. The murder was committed by the three bodyguards of Sedat Bucak; After the murder, phone calls were made with mobile telephones. One minister was phoned as well. "The operation has been completed successfully", the murderers said; The Istanbul police arrested the three bodyguards, Arnavut Sami and Ali Tevfik. Arnavut Sami and Ali Tevfik confessed to the murder when interrogated. They say they received the order from a minister and the wife of a well-known politician; These statements were passed on to Ankara;
The deputy chief of police and Ibrahim Sahin, leader of the Special Warfare Department, arrived in Istanbul to bring the arrested to Ankara.
Police chief Kemal Yazicioglu opposed this.Thereupon Mehmet Agar, the minister of the interior himself, gave the order to bring these five people to Ankara;
The day before yesterday, Kemal Yazicioglu passed on all his information about the murder of O. Lutfu Topal to Erbakan;
Kemal Yazicioglu was suspended because he solved the murder of Topal.
Mesut Yilmaz, chairman of ANAP (Motherland Party) said: "There are three gangs within the state.. They're killing each other because they don't want to share the money from the heroin trade."
After the massacre in the Diyarbakir Prison, in which 11 prisoners were murdered, parliament sets up an investigation committee. The Refah deputy Okcu, member of this committee, stated that even governors do not have any control over the acts of JITEM and the intelligence service in the southeast. He said certain forces were influencing the state and that the state was having contacts with circles of traitors and fascists in the region, allowing the existence of gangs like the Soylemezler and Yuksekova gangs. The attacks inside the prisons were organised by these forces. Okcu described the massacre in Diyarbakir prison as "a massacre which was carried out by traitors, supervised by the state".
December 7, 1996:
It was revealed that Sedat Bucak's bodyguards (also members of a special unit) took leave a few days before the murder. One of the policemen yelled at Ibrahim Sahin, the leader of de Special Warfare Department: "Did you come to kill us, or are you going to save us?" The minister of the Interior, Meral Aksener, stated no fingerprints were found on the weapons which were secured in Susurluk.
December 8, 1996:
Journalists were attacked at Catli's funeral. The police watched the attack but did not intervene. The attack was carried out by supporters of Ali Yasak. According to another accusation, the Ozgur Gundem journalist Nazim Babaoglu was kidnapped and murdered by members of the Bucak clan on March 12, 1994, in Siverek. He was found murdered and his body showed the marks of severe torture. Bucak's village guards supposedly called Babaoglu. telling him to come to Siverek for a story. Thereupon Babaoglu was kidnapped by the village guards Gani and Ahmet Karakaya.
December 10, 1996:
On March 16, 1978, seven revolutionary students were murdered in a bomb attack at the entrance of the Istanbul University. The trial is still going on at the Istanbul Criminal Court. According to statements of accused policemen and some fascists who gave statements to the press after the attack, the massacre was organised and led by Catli personally. The state prosecutors demanded punishment of the supporters and accomplices of Catli. A retired MIT agent who took part in several major operations said Catli and his friends were not ordered by the MIT in the ASALA operation [against an anti-Turkish Armenian group]. The orders came from a group organised by Kenan Evren, then state president. Hiram Abas and Mehmet Aymur played the major roles. A high-ranking bureaucrat, active during the presidency of Ozal, claimed the failed assault against Prime Minister Ozal was carried out by the same gang and the assailant Kartal Demirag was supported by fascists and the police chief of Ankara in those days, Mehmet Agar. The accused in the Topal murder case were accusing Ozer Ciller, Tansu Ciller's husband, and Mehmet Agar. "They knew about the murder plan," they stated against the Istanbul police. Sedat Bucak is protecting his bodyguards and rejected the accusations against them.
December 12, 1996:
On the day of the accident Catli carried papers which were signed by the minister of the Interior himself. Catli's gun permit said: "The person shown this photo, Mehmet Ozbay, works at the police directorate as a specialist and is allowed to carry guns." Investigations by the Criminal laboratory showed the signature was authentic. After this, state prosecutor Nihat Artiran requested the immunity of Mehmet Agar be lifted to make a trial against him possible.
December 14, 1996:
According to new reports, fingerprints of Abdullah Catli were found on the cartridge found at the scene of the murder of Topal. The ANAP chairman, Mesut Yilmaz, stated: "This is just the tip of the iceberg." Abdullah Catli is said to have founded three firms, using a false name. After he was elected in the board of the association Ulku Yolu (a fascist association), he led the organisation and the actions from Nevsehir. This is also the place where he became friends with the later chief of the Special Warfare Department. It was revealed that Ibrahim Sahin was convicted of torture during his time of office in Nevsehir. Sahin is said to have been a militant member of the MHP and involved in the murder of the CHP (social democrat) chairman in Nevsehir. Agca [the would-be murderer of the pope] and Catli received false passports from the police directorate in Nevsehir in that period.
December 16, 1996:
According to a paper's investigation, 18 organised gangs exist in Turkey. While many abduction cases in the southeast could not be solved, Necip Barkan was kidnapped on September 22 by persons who dressed like PKK guerrillas. The kidnappers demanded 130,000 dollars from Barkan's family in the name of the ERNK. Later it became known that the kidnapping was organised by the chief of a special unit of traitors and village guards. Proof of this was presented to the parliamentary commission which investigates the Susurluk incident. According to these documents, village guards, traitors and special units, dressed up like PKK guerrillas, carry out murders, deal drugs, burn down villages, kidnap people and make them disappear. The evidence is clear. The gangs were supervised by the state and their acts became known because of internal feuds. According to the same documents, 430 investigations were started against members of the police force between April 30 and October 31, 1996. Among them were 71 police presidents and 15 chief commissioners. 119 policemen were tried already, the cases against 371 others are still going on.
December 17, 1996:
It was revealed that Abdullah Catli received "special attention" when he was given a diplomatic passport. According to a police statement, the preferential treatment was ordered by a police president, but they didn't remember the name of this official, they claimed. Dozens of Mafia gangsters received diplomaticpassports in the same way. The file of state prosecutor Nihat Artiran, requesting that the immunity of Mehmet Agar be lifted, was handed over to the Justice Department. Artiran was taken off the case. Catli worked for Mehmet Agar in the 1995 elections. The MHP lost 6% of their vote in Elazig. (Mehmet Agar stood for the DYP)
December 18, 1996:
The order to bring the policemen, suspected of murder, from Istanbul to Ankara was given by Mehmet Agar. Ibrahim Sahin, in the meanwhile suspended as chief of the Special Warfare Department, said he received this order from Mehmet Agar. The chief of police in Istanbul, Kemal Yazicioglu, was said to have sent an invitation to Abdullah Catli for a religious festivity during his office in Izmir. The fascist A. Kirici, wanted by the police, was said to have been in the car which was behind the Mercedes belonging to Bucak when it crashed in Susurluk. He was said to have done the most to save Catli. After Catli's death, Kirici supposedly took over the organisation. Kirici is said to have been Catli's right hand. He took part in several operations, next to Catli. After Catli's death, Kirici disappeared from sight. He was said to have good relations with Sedat Bucak and once in a while he was said to hide in Siverek. The chief prosecutor of Istanbul, Ciftci, said the police are not passing on their information. A fax, sent by the state prosecution to the police directorate in Istanbul, showed information was passed on very late, and the names of the arrested wasn't even given to the prosecution. Investigations were carried out in the name of the state prosecution without their knowledge. The minister of Defence, Turhan Tayan, stated 400 billion TL were spent daily for the anti-terror campaign. In 1996, the Turkish government spent 80 billion daily for the Gendarmerie, 40 billion for the land forces, and 5 billion for the air forces. According to the MGK (the National Security Council) report weapon smugglers pay billions in bribe money to members of parliament which use their immunity to carry out their deals without being disturbed.
December 19, 1996:
The evidence against the Yuksekova gang disappeared. Video tapes and documents about the Yuksekova gang, consisting of members of the special units, traitors and village guards, have gone missing. The officer Huseyin Oguz, who discovered this gang, was threatened with death and he was transferred to another city. His lawyer, Yasar Alturk, said the first investigation took nine days and the tapes and the documents were handed over to the appropriate officials. Some of these officials then made this evidence disappear.
December 21, 1996:
The report of the MIT to the MGK (National Security Council) says the village guards in the southeast are no longer under the control of the state. They are said to have become criminal gangs.
December 22, 1996:
According to the deputy department chief of the MIT, M. Eymurs, the MIT killed Tarik Umit after he was interrogated by Catli. Mehmet Agar and Ibrahim Sahin, the chief of the Special Warfare Department, are said to be responsible for this case. After 1980, the MIT used Catli abroad. Eymur: "When we heard Catli was dealing in drugs, we dropped him, then the police directorate used him." During an operation in Kocaeli, a gang of 27 people was caught. This gang is held responsible for seven murders, five disappearances, two kidnappings and seven cases of extortion. The leader of this gang is said to be Mehmet Hadi Ozcan, a close friend of Catli.
Meral Aksener charges village guards.Aksener is sacking 23,000 village guards. Up to now it was determined that 296 village guards committed murder, four village guards kidnapped men, 77 village guards were guilty of kidnapping women and girls and many village guards were involved in the smuggling of drugs and weapons.
Catli was said to be trained by the Israeli MOSSAD and the CIA. His weapon originated in Israel. It was found in the car in Susurluk. Because this kind of weapon is not used in Turkey, it became known these weapons originated from a deal between the Turkish police and Israel.
December 25, 1996:
Yasar Oz's gun permit, handed over by ANAP leader Mesut Yilmaz to the parliamentary commission, was of the same type as the gun permit which was issued to Abdullah Catli. It was established that it was printed on the samekind of paper, carrying the same text and the same signature. Sevket Kazan opened the case against Haluk Kirici who was recently arrested but immediately released because he possessed a special document. Haluk Kirici, accused because of the Bahcelievler massacre, was released on probation in 1989. Later he was wanted because of another crime. He was arrested in April, but he managed to escape, helped by two policemen. When his papers were checked, a policeman discovered Haluk Kirici was in the possession of a document, signed by Mehmet Agar, with the request to help the owner. Agar also phoned and prevented Kirici being taken into custody. But Agar denies all of this. The MIT report states Haluk Kirici was arrested, together with Ayhan Akca (member of a special unit), because of the murder of Tarik Umit. A phone call was made to the police station to have him released again. During his time as governor of Erzurum, Mehmet Agar was Haluk Kirici's wedding witness.
December 26, 1996:
The national chief of police Alladin Yuksel broke his silence. Yuksel reported the police was in the possession of Catli's fingerprints: "Surely the friends in Istanbul have some explaining to do how these fingerprints were misplaced", accusing the Istanbul chief of police, Kemal Yazicioglu. In a television programme on HBB, Yuksel stated Catli's fingerprints first showed up in the attack against a student hostel in 1977, and for the last time in Susurluk. According to Yuksel,the Gendarmerie came into action immediately after the accident in Susurluk:
"After the incident the Gendarmerie came into action. The files in this case, containing all the information from the car, were secured by the Gendarmerie."
Yuksel said the investigations were started immediately upon requests by the state prosecution and the state security court. Yuksel also said that the three policemen, wanted because they belonged to the Soylemez gang, had not been apprehended yet: "That depends on the methods of apprehension. Because of their tasks, they have a lot of acquaintances, it's possible they hide with friends."
Huseyin Baybasin, arrested in 1995 in the Netherlands in the case of the drug ship Lucky-S, claims to have smuggled drugs together with relatives of Mehmet Agar: Yumus Agar and Yalcin Akcadag (Mehmet's uncle) using the oil trade as a cover. Baybasin states they were transporting petrol from Libya, taken drugs on board along the way, smuggling these into the Netherlands. Baybasin also states:
"Nobody was allowed near the ship by the police. Suleyman Basgol, chief of police in that time, was there as well. Nobody can claim to have seen nothing. This was all done under the supervision of the Istanbul police." According to Baybasin, Mehmet Agar was making 500,000 dollars a month and he demanded Agar should explain where all his wealth came from.
December 28, 1996:
The Special Units Academy in Golbas was visited by Tansu Ciller, together with the minister of the Interior Meral Aksener, minister Bekir Aksoy, DYP delegate Hayri Kozakciogly, Unal Erkan, Saffet Arikan Beduk and the national chief of police. Ciller made a statement about the recent reports about the police, the MIT, the Special Units and similar organisations: "Your orders are not coming from those who attack you, they're coming from the state. This country is grateful to you. The nation is proud of you, now they're trying to denounce you.
They are the enemies of the fatherland, we have many who fell, who were murdered by the enemies of the fatherland. I know you'll save the country. I call upon all who falsely accuse you: Stop, do not cross the line. The persons who are conspiring against you will be ashamed one day. I know you love our nation and your country very much. I respect your work. Keep your heads up high. All those who are against you will have to fight, because we will not allow them to win. I will always be behind you." Tansu Ciller and the others also dressed in Special Unit uniforms. The former MIT member Korkut Eken, who later became advisor of the minister of the Interior Mehmet Agar, stated he was a friend of Catli. He said so on December 27 in front of the parliamentary commission. Catli had been his friend, and Eken added that Catli had been used by the state since 1980, claiming it was impossible that MIT chief Eymur had not known Catli. Eken: "Catli was used as an informant about the PKK after 1994 in Germany. I know Catli did some jobs for the state." He also said: "I know Tarik Umit, but I haven't seen him in three years. I did not kill Tarik Umit."
1 January 1997
"SABAH" said that, though he had a police record since 1961, slain casino king Omer Lutfu Topal had managed to secure from the Istanbul Judicial Records Department a paper which said that he was "clean." That document enabled him to get licences to operate 13 gambling facilities in the country. Topal had been imprisoned in the United States and the Netherlands for narcotics smuggling. He also had a long police recordback home involving not only narcotics smuggling but also murder. At the recent party leaders' Susurluk summit Prime Minister Necmettin Erbakan had asked, "How could such a man get a licence?"
Here is the list of the ministers who had permitted Topal to operate casinos: Adana Seyhan Hotel (ANAP's Ilhan Akuzum in 1991), Saray Regency (ANAP's Bulent Akarcali in 1991), Ofo Hotel, Aydin Onura (both authorized by SHP's Abdulkadir Ates in 1992), Polat Renaissance, Grand Kaptan (both authorized by SHP's Abdulkadir Ates in 1993), Mersin Hilton, Seven Seas Hotel (both authorized by SHP'sAbdulkadir Ates in 1994), Bodrum Park Resort (CHP's Irfan Gurpinar in 1995, but at that time Topal was no longer a member of the company operating the casinos), Ersin Topkapi (CHP's Irfan Gurpinar, 1996, again Topal was not a board member), Ceylan Intercontinental (1996, application received but permission denied because of certain shortcomings).
2 January 1997
"RADIKAL". Yasar Öz, in whose name a green passport-signed by DYP Deputy and former Interior Minister Mehmet Agar-had been issued similar to the one Catli was carrying when he died, turned out to be an alias used by Esref Cudar, the uncle of Meral Catli, Abdullah Catli's wife. Cudar is known as an Abkhazian-Circassian nationalist. He is a friend of Selim Gosterisli, the mysterious figure who had acted as an intermediary between the Turkish authorities and the group of Abkhazian nationalists who had commandeered the Avrasya ferry in the Black Sea in early 1996. A suspected narcotics smuggler and author of counterfeit passports, "Yasar Oz" is one of the names cited in the 59-name National Intelligence Organization (MIT) list disclosed partly by Prime Minister Necmettin Erbakan at the Dec. 22 summit meeting of party leaders.
10 January 1997
"MILLIYET" said that the Ankara chief prosecutor prepared the documents needed to formally ask Parliament, via the Justice Ministry, to strip two deputies implicated in the Susurluk incident of their legislative immunity so that they can be prosecuted. The two are Sedat Bucak and Mehmet Agar, both of them members of the True Path Party (DYP).
11 January 1997
"HÜRRIYET" said that the Prime Ministry Board of Inspectors presented its Susurluk report to Prime Minister Necmettin Erbakan on Thursday. The board recommended in its report that complaints be filed against 35 persons. The list includes the names of Mehmet Agar, Sedat Bucak, Halil Tug, deputy director general of security; Ibrahim Sahin, the former acting director of the Special Operations Department; Kemal Yazicioglu, Istanbul's former police chief; Bilgi Ünal, Istanbul's former deputy police chief; Ayhan Carkin, Ercan Ersoy, Oguz Yorulmaz, Ayhan Akca, Ziya Bandirmalioglu, Enver Ulu, Ömer Kaplan, Mustafa Altinok-all special team members; Sami Hostan, Ali Fevzi Bir, a close friend of Hostan; Haluk Kirci, the right hand man of Abdullah Catli, Turgay Marasli, Sedat Demir, the former head of the Law and Order Department of Istanbul; Korkut Eken and Yasar Öz. "RADIKAL" reported on the activities of the parliamentary research commission looking into the mysterious traffic accident in Susurluk and the "police-mafia-politician relationship". On Thursday the commission heard Sönmez Köksal, the National Intelligence Organization (MIT) undersecretary. In reply to questions, Koksal said, "The MIT uses and benefits from persons who can bring in information from the street. Tarik Ümit was not a salaried staff member of the MIT. He was a person serving the MIT by bringing in information and getting rewarded for his services in various ways." Köksal refused to give an answer when he was asked whether he knew Catli.
"DEMOKRASI". Like Catli and the chairman of the Great Union Party (BBP), Muhsin Yazioglu, Burak Eke (nowadays member of the board of Ziraat Leasing) belonged to the hard-core members of the Grey Wolves before 1980.
It is reported that Burak Eke travelled to the Black Sea coast before 1980 to collect weapons on orders of Catli.
Because of his work for the Ziraat Bank, Burak Eke has good contacts with firms in Israel. During Tansu Ciller's time as prime minister, he frequently went to Israel to prepare a training camp for the Grey Wolves. He also frequently visited the headquarters of the Grey Wolves in Azerbaidzjan where he was one of the people who planned the coup against Elcibey.
This was also confirmed by former members of the Grey Wolves.
January 20 1997
"DEMOKRASI" said that when a group of journalists showed up for a scheduled press conference in downtown Istanbul on Saturday,opposition Labor Party (IP) leader Dogu Perincek unexpectedly took them in a bus to a campsite in a wooded area in Kurtkoy near Pendik, a suburban district of Istanbul. He said that this was the site where the "gunmen" of the Ülkücüs (youth organization of MHP) had been trained, fugitives from justice had been sheltered, and certain persons were interrogated and killed after being abducted.
Stressing that he came to know about the camp thanks to the confessions of seven former Ülkücüs who had contacted the IP, Perincek distributed to the journalists copies of these Ülkücüs'' statements in which they said that bodies of many persons killed by Ülkücüs were buried in the campsite. These included the body of Mustafa Dogan, a policeman said to have been the person who staged the March 16 massacre in Istanbul in the 1970s where scores of university students were killed by a bomb. Perincek said that Ibrahim Gümrükcioglu, the man who tried to assassinate President Süleyman Demirel, had been trained in the camp, and Selcuk Parsadan, the con artist involved in a scandal involving Tansu Ciller using the prime ministry slush fund, had been "interrogated" in the camp.
Journalists saw on the site a Nationalist Movement Party (MHP) flag. There were five two-story houses and a barn, all riddled with bullets, as well as a number of wells. There were army or hostel-type metal lockers in the buildings and lots of empty cartridges on the premises, remnants of bullets fired from air guns and hunting rifles. The site is occupied by a shepherd and his family for the time being.
"CUMHURIYET" quoted Perincek as saying, "Kemal Oktem, who was the administrator of the camp, had committed 33 murders. In fact, there is more substantial evidence than in the case of Susurluk." The camp is seven kilometers away from the Kurtkoy gendarmerie station. The site belonged to the father of Kemal Oktem, who is known as the person who trained Alaattin Cakici, well as many other rightwing activists.
A board member of the Grey Wolves, Gölcük Murtaza Didin, confirmed the statement of Dogu Perincek that there was a training camp of the Grey Wolves in Kurtköy, a village near Istanbul. He said: "I have known the leader of the training camp in Kurtköy, Kemal Oktem, for 20 years. I have been there for 2 years myself and I was trained there as well." Gölcük described the camp as "a place of physical and armed training, a place for the underground people, a place were people became monsters."
"DEMOKRASI" said that it had been determined, via a number of photographs, that two of the three special team members arrested as prime suspects in the July 1996 assassination in Ankara of casino king Ömer Lütfü Topal, had been involved in last year's Gazi districtincidents in Istanbul. They are Ayhan Carkin and Ercan Ersoy.
"HÜRRIYET" said that Yasar Öz has been in Britain. Tahsin Simsek, a man who says he has been acquainted with Öz since the day the latter arrived in Britain, says, "Öz used to smuggle illegal aliens from Turkey to London, charging 3,000 to 4,000 pounds for each counterfeit passport he supplied. When he arrived he did not have a penny. Three and a half years later he owned a coffeehouse worth 100,000 pounds. Then he was caught and expelled from the country." Nafiz Bostanci, known for claiming in the past that the National Intelligence Organization (MIT) had tried to assassinate him, says Öz had brought into Britain some 150 illegal aliens. He says that some time after being expelled, Öz returned to Britain, this time carrying a green passport which enabled him to travel abroad without having to obtain a visa. Öz had been apprehended in his house in Istanbul during a police raid in 1995. The incident was covered up. Mehmet Agar, at that time director general of security, ordered the Istanbul police to set Öz free and to send to Ankara the green passport, special gun carrying license, two drivers' licenses and the two guns with serial numbers erased found in his possession. Both Agar and Necdet Menzir, who was at that time Istanbul's police chief, now face irregularity charges arising from that incident.
23 January 1997
"HÜRRIYET" said an erroneous German Press Agency (DPA) news item had caused a lot of turmoil in Ankara, with a story in which a chief judge at a Frankfurt court accused the Turkish Government, especially one of its members, Deputy Prime Minister Tansu Ciller, of protecting narcotics smugglers. The Turkish Foreign Ministry issued a verbal protest to the German Embassy in Ankara and the DPA issued a corrected version which said that the German chief judge in question, Rolf Schwalbe, was merely referring to a defendant's claim about Ciller. The DPA was reporting on the trial of three Turks, one of whom, identified as Mustafa K., told the court that "two families supplying heroin to Europe, the Senocaks and the Baybasins" were "being protected by Ciller."
"YENIYÜZYIL" quoted Justice Minister Sevket Kazan as saying that the plane crash which killed Gendarmerie Commander Esref Bitlis four years ago must definitely have resulted from an act of sabotage. He said, "Experts' reports make that clear. Earlier, General Bitlis had been the target of an attack on Dec. 17, 1992 while he was on his way to northern Iraq."
Yesterday, the former police chief of Istanbul, Necdet Menzir, stated in front of the Susurluk Investigation Committee: "On January 13, 1994, the police headquarters in Adana sent a letter to the Istanbul headquarters, reporting that Ali Rizaoglu was arrested at the Adana airport because he had a fake passport on the name of Metin Bozdogan. His telephone was registered on the name of Yazar Oz. Thereupon the police raided the house of Yazar Oz where they found a gun, a Smith & Wesson 9 mm, ammunition, a 38. pistol, a gun permit, a drivers licence - showing the picture of Yazar Oz but registered on the name of Esref Cudar on March 2, 1993, and 2 diplomatic passports - one on his real name and one on the name of Tarik Umit - issued by the Department of Home Affairs.
The gun permit showed a guarantee by Mehmet Agar that Yazar Oz had his permission to carry a gun. Before Yazre Oz was sent to Istanbul, Mehmet Agar called my representative, Mestan Sener, and said: "We are using this person, he will participate in an operation soon. We prepared his passport and the other documents. Send all documents to us and let our man go."
Asked by journalists if he was released without checking whether he was guilty or not, Menzir answered: "In the police force we have the rule that an order from above has to be followed. We asked again to be sure, and we received the same answer."
"Were the diplomatic passports real ones?" Menzir: "They were real. Agar confessed to me and my deputy that they had issued them." "Is it so easy to issue the security police passports?" Menzir: "No, normally they are not issued that easy. It was against the law." Is it usual for the state to use such people". Menzir: "Yes, that's normal. The state uses such people once in a while."
24 January 1997
"MILLIYET" and "HÜRRIYET" published photos showing a top police official and a prime massacre suspect having fun, arm-in-arm "like old friends," at a circumcision ceremony which was held at Avrasya Music Hall on Sept. 3, 1995. One of the people in the picture was Abdullah Catli. The other person was Ibrahim Sahin. Sahin has been suspended following the Susurluk incident after Wednesday.
Meral Catli said that her husband had been "the state's man". She said she believed it was Turkish government officials who enabled Catli to escape from a Swiss prison after heroin was found in his possession. She said, "He used to know many politicians. One day he told me he met with (ANAP leader) Mesut Yilmaz, that he worked for his (the ANAP) congress, and that Mr. Yilmaz thanked him for his services.
He used to have talks frequently with (controversial former National Intelligence Organization official) Korkut Eken."
"MILLIYET" quoted Meral Catli as saying that Abdullah Catli had met in Germany with former President Kenan Evren, the leader of the 1980 coup.
"CUMHURIYET" referred to the testimony True Path Party (DYP) deputy Mehmet Agar gave recently at the parliamentary Susurluk commission. He said in 1988 he wanted to bring charges against the National Intelligence Organization (MIT) which had made certain accusations concerning him. He said that he was prevented from doing so by then Prime Minister Turgut Özal. Referring to Abdullah Catli he said, "I may have known him as Mehmet Özbay." Agar underlined the greatness of Turkey, stressed that the fight against terrorism would continue, and said, "DYP leader Tansu Ciller's abandoning me does not mean anything."
"DEMOKRASI" extradited to Turkey by Swiss authorities on Sept. 14, Oral Celik, a key name in various criminal cases including the assassination attempt on Pope John Paul II, has been put on trial for the assassination in Istanbul nearly two decades ago of MILLIYET editor in chief Abdi Ipekci and for the murdering in Malatya of a teacher. He has been cleared in both cases and is now free.
When he arrived in Turkey he had, with a smile on his face, told journalists he wanted to be tried in Turkey. On Jan. 10 he threatened that he would speak up. On the following day the court dealing with the Ipekci murder case acquitted him for lack of conclusive evidence. On Jan. 22 he was released by a court in Malatya on the grounds that the main files containing information and evidence on the case had been "lost." So Celik walked out as a free man.
"ZAMAN" said that Ekrem Marakoglu, who had served as Topal's lawyer, told the Istanbul State Security Court that "a person very close to Cankaya (the Presidential Palace) had sent Hüseyin Kocadag as a mediator to Topal when the chairman of the chamber of commerce of a big city lost TL 140 billion in gambling. He said, "Kocadag thought that he should have been made Istanbul's police chief after Necdet Menzir. He accepted the mediation offer because he hoped that the Œperson close to Cankaya' could help him get that post."
January 28, 1997.
"CUMHURIYET". The Turkish Writers Association protested against the events of the past days, against the "gangs, the hangmen and the reactionaries" and they called for unity against it.
The chairman of the general department against smuggling and organised crime, Tuncay Yilmaz, stated that Hüseyin Baybassin, wanted by Interpol for drug trafficking, is being used as an agent by England.
On April 13, 1970, a group of 12 Grey Wolves, stormed the main building of the Hacateppe Medical Faculty in Sihhiye. Professor Dr. Necdet Güclü was murdered by a bullet through his head. Witnesses recognised Ibrahim Erdogan as one of the perpetrators. He was convicted but released 4 years later after the intervention of Amnesty International. Ibrahim Erdogan is a physician nowadays and a member of parliament.
February 5, 1997
"DEMOKRASI" On February 5, a banner was hung from the fifth floor of a flat in Mersin. The banner read: "Let us demand justice for Susuluk. The truth must not be hidden. DHKP-C". It took the police one hour to remove the banner.
"KURTULUS". On January 31, the city administration destroyed 19 jobs in the Adnan Mendres Boulevard in Adana, claiming there was no permission. The city denied the owners to save their property before the demolition of the building. The people resisted and yelled: "The gangs are walking around free and our shops are being destroyed".
"YENIYÜZYIL". The deputy chairman of the Security Directorate of the Intelligence Service, Hanefi Avci, in his statement about Susurluk: "The Turkish secret service, MIT, and the gendarmes worked together with special organisations in their fight against the PKK. After we lost control over these persons, they started to work together with illegal organisations."
"MILLIYET". A hitherto secret manual of the CIA has now been published. The book, "Manual for the use of human potential" from 1983, also gives guidelines for torture. The book explains how to break the resistance of a prisoner by using fear and the change of perception. The book, stemming from the Reagan area, was used for training the security forces and anti-Communist units.
The manual describes how to deal with arrested people. The interrogation room should have no windows, it should be sound proof, and there should be no toilet. The interrogation room is described as a stage of war for the interrogated and the interrogators. The interrogated persons should be made to believe that their rescue is in the hands of the interrogators. The manual also describes experiments which were conducted with volunteers of the CIA.
"WE WEREN'T EVEN ABLE TO NATIONALIZE THE COUNCIL OF MINISTERS"
(Inonu to Suleyman Genc during a visit
on April 22, 1970)
The youth leader in 1970 decided to make a report about NATO, CENTO, oil, the national economy, the building industry, the nationalisation of natural resources and independence. This report was meant for the then Prime Minister Inonu. Suleyman Genc took this task upon himself. After Inonu read the report, he told Suleyman Genc:
"Let me tell you what happened to me once: I was prime minister in 1963. The situation on Cyprus was growing tense. The London-Zurich Treaty was unilaterally changed by the Cypriot state minister. I called for a meeting of the council of ministers and we discussed the necessary security measures. We decided on a policy we were going to implement. The meeting was concluded and my friends left. Forty-five minutes later the American consul phoned and asked for a meeting. He indicated he wanted to talk to me about the problems in Cyprus. I agreed. He listed all we had discussed during the meeting. `These are dangerous thoughts, these could lead to dangerous reactions. The Turkish government must not be the cause of such dangerous events,' he told me.
Inonu in 1970:
"I give an order, and before I even get the results, Washington knows about it"
During a meeting in 1964, Ismet Inonu reported how the CIA was organised in Turkey under the name of "advisers-experts":
"We still want an independent policy, full of character. Everybody is talking about the same things. But how am I going to do this. I will decide and give the matter into the hands of experts. Can they do this? They are surrounded by foreign advisers, and it is all being delayed. And when this doesn't help, they take security measures. I give an order, and before I even get the results, Washington knows about it. I do not get the results from my civil servants, I get them from the foreign advisers. Have we handed over the state like this? They never showed me a report which constituted a real solution. All was forbidden. All we do, we do it with our people. And so thousands of people just walk around, having certain abilities. And now these gangs are on the agenda. We could have resolved the tension between the two states ourselves. It's all about the attack on our own powers of initiative. They were prepared to make a proposition if we agreed to accept even one of their experts. We didn't agree. We knew perfectly why they wanted this. And they knew perfectly why we didn't agree. That's how things are.
They make promises, and when you sign, they arrive the next day. Then just you try to get rid of them again! They will not leave anymore. But we have to consider this seriously. Otherwise it's impossible to conduct an independent foreign and domestic policy. Do not think it's all that easy. Even unexpected events are better than this. If we tried to get rid of them, I don't know what would happen to us."