NATO Action Unwisely Undercuts U.N.
Sunday, April 4, 1999
what the outcome of the NATO bombing campaign, the fundamental architecture of
international law, centered on the United Nations during the 50 years since World
War II, has suffered a severe blow from which it may never recover.
The delicate, and sometimes contradictory, balance between "national sovereignty,"
upon which the U.N. Charter is premised, and "the human rights of individuals
against oppressive governments," articulated in the Universal Declaration of Human
Rights, has been altered forever. The result is likely to be more international
chaos, war crimes and acts of genocide, and the American people will be asked
to pay the price for generations to come.
Under the United Nations Charter and subsequent U.N. resolutions, the use of force
is banned unless specifically authorized by the Security Council, after the Security
Council has determined that peaceful methods have failed, or when "self-defense"
is required in the case of an armed attack. It is a clear violation of fundamental
United Nations principles for one sovereign member state to attack another, even
for "humanitarian purposes."
While this may seem to be an inhumane technicality in the face of apparent acts
of brutality, like those alleged in Kosovo, there are important historical reasons
for this seemingly irrational respect for national sovereignty. One of the important
lessons of WWII was that militarily powerful states can use "humanitarian intervention"
to justify military action that expands international conflicts and increases
the suffering of innocent civilians.
Germany announced that it was "protecting the rights of oppressed Germans" when
it annexed part of Czechoslovakia. Mussolini invaded Ethiopia to "liberate and
civilize" the Ethiopian people. The Japanese invaded Manchuria to "defend the
Manchurians from Chinese bandits." When the United Nations was founded in 1945,
it was well understood that claims of humanitarian intervention were not always
Respect for national sovereignty was the mechanism that the U.N. Charter adopted
to prevent powerful nations from using "humanitarian intervention" as a guise
for military adventurism and imperialism. It is the cornerstone of all international
This respect for national sovereignty, however, does not mean that the United
Nations and international law holds national sovereignty above all else, and ignores
the plight of those oppressed by their own governments. The Nazi War Crimes Tribunals
made clear that brutal leaders cannot use "national sovereignty" as a defense
for genocide and other crimes against humanity.
In 1948 the United Nations Universal Declaration of Human Rights set out specific
rights that all governments were obliged to respect. The United Nations also passed
other resolutions outlawing politically motivated rape and other crimes against
The recently established War Crimes Tribunals, set up in the aftermath of acts
of genocide in Rwanda and Bosnia, was the first step to creating international
juridical bodies capable of punishing war criminals and acts of genocide. Under
this emerging structure of international human rights law, leaders like Augusto
Pinochet, Slobodan Milosevic or Saddam Hussein can be held liable for war crimes
or acts of genocide, if these U.N. bodies and international legal principles are
fully supported by the member states.
Unfortunately, as the United States has risen to hyperpower status, it has repeatedly
undermined the effectiveness and authority of these international bodies. The
United States has economically crippled the United Nations by refusing to pay
more than $1 billion in back dues. It has refused to recognize the jurisdiction
of the World Court when the decisions of that body, such as the decision declaring
nuclear weapons illegal, are contrary to current U.S. policy. The United States
also opposed the creation of the War Crimes Tribunal and has refused to cooperate
with its investigations, or with seizing war criminals under indictment. Now,
the NATO bombing has further degraded this emerging international legal structure.
The world's only remaining superpower has established the principle that, once
again, claims of humanitarian intervention can be used to justify acts of war
against a sovereign nation without U.N. authorization. How this principle might
be used to justify U.S. military intervention in the future is anyone's guess.
Should the United States intervene to protect the Kurds from Turkish depredations?
Will it defend the Chechens who are surrounded and oppressed by hostile Russians?
What about the Colombian people being killed in their thousands by government-supported
Of course, the United States cannot intervene every time a brutal regime oppresses
its own people, because such oppression simply occurs too frequently. It is much
more likely that America will only intervene for "humanitarian reasons" when it
serves short-term U.S. policy interests. Even if the United States could apply
the policy of humanitarian intervention evenly, consistently and fairly, the result
will not be a more stable and humane world order.
At the close of the 20th century, the most powerful nation in the history of the
world, and its allies, are establishing the principle that nations with sufficient
military power and claims of "humanitarian purpose" can act independently of the
United Nations structure, as long as an even larger military power does not intervene
to stop them. This lesson will not be lost on future local and regional Hitlers,
who have the military means to "liberate" their "oppressed neighbors."
When other countries begin their own "humanitarian interventions" in the next
century, the people of the United States may well come to regret the absence of
a strong United Nations. Without the U.N. structure to rely on, the only alternative
for addressing future war crimes and genocide, as well as the "humanitarian intervention"
of other nations, will be ever-escalating and virtually limitless demands on U.S.
military power, including the use of ground troops. Future generations of Americans
will pay the long-term costs of this last great military adventure of the 20th
century, no matter what the outcome.
Erlinder, a professor at William Mitchell College of Law in St. Paul, Minnesota,
is past president of the National Lawyers Guild.
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