Governor Bush believes that American foreign policy must be more than the management of crisis. It must have a great and guiding goal: to turn this time of American influence into generations of democratic peace. This is accomplished by concentrating on enduring national interests and by resisting the temptation to withdraw from the world. As President, George W. Bush will pursue a distinctly American internationalism. He will set priorities and stick to them to avoid drift in foreign policy.
Governor Bush�s Foreign Policy Priorities
As President, George W. Bush will:
Work with our strong democratic allies in Europe and Asia to extend the peace and deal with the challenges of China and Russia � two great powers in transition.
Promote a fully democratic Western Hemisphere, bound together by free trade.
Defend America's interests in the Persian Gulf and advance peace in the Middle East, based upon a secure Israel.
Check the contagious spread of weapons of mass destruction, and the means to deliver them.
Lead toward a world that trades in freedom.
Governor Bush�s Foreign Policy Principles and Proposals
Excerpts from Governor Bush�s Foreign Policy Address, November 19, 1999.
No Isolationism: America cannot withdraw from the world. �American foreign policy cannot be founded on fear. Fear that American workers can�t compete. Fear that America will corrupt the world � or be corrupted by it. This fear has no place in the party of Reagan, or in the party of Truman.�
No Drift: The President must set priorities and stick to them. �Unless a president sets his own priorities, his priorities will be set by others � by adversaries, or the crisis of the moment, live on CNN.�
Eurasia, the strategic heartland, our greatest priority. �Two of Eurasia�s greatest powers � China and Russia � are powers in transition. And it is difficult to know their intentions when they do not know their own futures. If they become America�s friends, that friendship will steady the world. But if not, the peace we seek may not be found.�
China: China is a competitor, not a strategic partner. �We must deal with China without ill-will � but without illusions.�
US Allies in the Pacific. �We must show American power and purpose in strong support for our Asian friends and allies. This means keeping our pledge to deter aggression against the Republic of Korea, and strengthening security ties with Japan. This means expanding theater missile defenses among our allies.�
Taiwan. We must �honor�our promises to the people of Taiwan. We do not deny there is one China. But we deny the right of Beijing to impose their rule on a free people. As I�ve said before, we will help Taiwan to defend itself.�
Trade. �China will find in America a confident and willing trade partner. And with trade comes our standing invitation into the world of economic freedom. China�s entry into the World Trade Organization is welcome, and this should open the door for Taiwan as well.�
Human Rights. �If I am president, China will know that America�s values are always part of America�s agenda. Our advocacy of human freedom is not a formality of diplomacy, it is a fundamental commitment of our country. It is the source of our confidence that communism, in every form, has seen its day. And I view free trade as an important ally in what Ronald Reagan called �a forward strategy for freedom.��
Russia: Our first order of business is the national security of our nation.
�Instead of confronting each other, we confront the legacy of a dead ideological rivalry � thousands of nuclear weapons, which, in the case of Russia, may not be secure. And together we also face an emerging threat � from rogue nations, nuclear theft and accidental launch. All this requires nothing short of a new strategic relationship to protect the peace of the world.�
Weapons of Mass Destruction. �In an act of foresight and statesmanship, [Senator Lugar and Senator Sam Nunn in 1991] realized that existing Russian nuclear facilities were in danger of being compromised. The next president must press for an accurate inventory of all this material. I�ll ask the Congress to increase substantially our assistance to Russia in dismantling as many of their weapons as possible, as quickly as possible.�
Missile Defense. �We�need missile defense systems � both theater and national. If I am Commander-in-Chief, we will develop and deploy them. Under the mutual threat of rogue nations, there is a real possibility the Russians could join with us and our friends and allies to cooperate on missile defense systems. But there is only one condition. Russia must break its dangerous habit of proliferation.�
Comprehensive Test Ban Treaty and Proliferation. �In the hard work of halting proliferation, the Comprehensive Test Ban Treaty is not the answer. I�ve said that our nation should continue its moratorium on testing. Yet far more important is to constrict the supply of nuclear materials and the means to deliver them � by making this a priority with Russia and China.�
Democracy in Russia. �Dealing with Russia on essential issues will be far easier if we are dealing with a democratic and free Russia. Our goal is to promote, not only the appearance of democracy in Russia, but the structures, spirit, and reality of democracy. This is clearly not done by focusing our aid and attention on a corrupt and favored elite. Real change in Russia �as in China � will come not from above, but from below. From a rising class of entrepreneurs and business people. From new leaders who will build a new Russian state, where power is shared, not controlled.�
Chechnya. �Even as we support Russian reform, we cannot excuse Russian brutality. When the Russian government attacks civilians � killing women and children, leaving orphans and refugees �it can no longer expect aid from international lending institutions. Just as we do not want Russia to descend into cruelty, we do not want it to return to imperialism. Russia does have interests with its newly independent neighbors�The United States should actively support these nations of the Baltics, the Caucasus and Central Asia, along with the Ukraine, by promoting regional peace and economic development, and opening links to the wider world.�
India. �India is now debating its future and its strategic path, and the United States must pay it more attention. We should establish more trade and investment with India as it opens to the world. And we should work with the Indian government, ensuring it is a force for stability and security in Asia. This should not undermine our longstanding relationship with Pakistan, which remains crucial to the peace of the region.�
Alliances: Greater consultation and greater cooperation are needed to address security challenges. �All our goals in Eurasia will depend on America strengthening the alliances that sustain our influence � in Europe and East Asia and the Middle East. For NATO to be strong, cohesive and active, the President must give it consistent direction: on the Alliance�s purpose; on Europe�s need to invest more in defense capabilities; and, when necessary, in military conflict. To be relied upon when they are needed, our allies must be respected when they are not. The United States needs its European allies, as well as friends in other regions, to help us with security challenges as they arise. For our allies, sharing the enormous opportunities of Eurasia also means sharing the burdens and risks of sustaining the peace. The support of friends allows America to preserve its power and will for the vital interests we share.�