by Leonid Kuchma, President of Ukraine

from Wall Street Journal (Europe), April 14, 2000

KIEV, Ukraine -- In the next week, both President Vladimir Putin and U.S. Secretary of State Madeline Albright will be visiting Kiev, giving ample testimony to Ukraine's strategic importance in the region.

For Ukrainians, Mr. Putin's decisive victory last month is a significant development given our historic relationship with Moscow. In my view, the Boris Yeltsin era will be forever regarded as a time of great expectations and solid achievements in Russia's transition to democracy.

Yet history alone will deliver the final verdict on his policies and the momentous events that took place during his presidency. Certainly, few would deny his personal determination to advance freedom and democracy at this critical juncture nor minimize his personal contribution to building democratic institutions in a country so large that it spans nine time zones.

When President Putin visits Kiev he will discover that Ukrainians are eager to see Yeltsin's chief legacy -- the reformation of Russian society as a true democracy -- continue into the 21st century.

This is essential for the nations of Southern and Eastern Europe that are so profoundly affected by Russian policy. It is even more essential for the Russian people, who suffered so much under totalitarianism during the 20th century. Now as it embarks upon a democratic course, their country deserves to take its rightful place among the nations of Europe.

Continued Russian progress toward the rule of law and a free market economy obviously are in Ukraine's best interests as well. Developments in Russia, as they have since time immemorial, will define, to a large extent, the future relations of our two countries.

In terms of Russian-Ukraine relations, President Yeltsin leaves his successor a heritage of substantial achievement. Our countries now abide by the "grand" Ukrainian-Russian Treaty of Friendship, Good-Neighbourly Relations and Partnership; and the Treaty of Economic Cooperation.

With the involvement of the United States, Great Britain, France and China, we managed to settle such complex issues as disposing of the hundreds of nuclear weapons left on Ukrainian soil after the collapse of the Soviet Union.

The two countries' joint efforts gradually solved the complex issue of how to jointly base the Russian Black Sea Fleet and the Ukrainian Navy in the Ukrainian city of Sevastopol -- the only port city on the Black Sea with the capability of handling that number of military ships. This, in itself, is no small accomplishment.

We also are closely monitoring the way Russia is handling the challenges to its integrity that stem from its counter-terrorism operation in Chechna. We believe terrorism is a major contemporary threat to all nations in the region and we are deeply concerned about the massive death toll among Chechna's civilian population. We hope for a solution that will end the bloodshed swiftly.

Ukraine and Russia are facing a number of common challenges. It is critical for both of the countries to attract U.S. and other Western investment, to develop solid ties to both NATO and the European Union, to shift our economies into higher gear while continuing long-needed economic reforms, and to limit the disproportionate economic and political influence of entrenched oligarchies.

Ukraine does not want the acceptance of new Eastern European members in NATO to create a cordon sanitaire between Europe and Russia. Instead, we hope it leads to a seamless expansion that creates a new and inclusive architecture for the entire Atlantic Community.

There is no denying that challenges in Ukrainian-Russians remain, including the issue of finally drawing a permanent boundary between the two nations and equitably dividing Soviet property left abroad after the fall.

In this context, we cannot but be anxious about some extremist Russian politicians who now are urging President Putin to pursue a much tougher policy toward Ukraine -- one that requires Ukraine's to join the union of Russia and Belarus, while, at the same time, signing the Tashkent Collective Security Treaty.

Years ago, Ukraine opted for non-alignment status and the pursuit of a bilateral foreign policy as an alternative to joining military blocs. In keeping with this, we are interested in deepening and broadening our relations with Russia to achieve the rapport that has marked Ukrainian-Polish relations in recent years.

Mamu Ukrainians believe that the newly elected Russian president is committed to insuring that our relationship is "more pragmatic".

This means that both Mr. Putin and I intend to have the workable and trustworthy relationship that is essential to deal with the wide range of issues we must confront.

In my opinion, Russia could do worse than conducting a policy of pragmatism towards her neighbors in the region. Many of the former Soviet states are prepared to consider Russia's interests to the extent they match the interests of every neighboring state.

This attitude is not only pragmatic but it can be considered "pro-Russia" since it strives to achieve Russia's interest of maintaining friendly, cooperative partners who share a common history.

I trust this approach will also be consistent with America's foreign policy interest and its desire to see a stable and lasting peace in the region.

Leonid Kuchma, the president of Ukraine, is just starting a second five-year-term as chief executive of the nation of 52 million people.