"We have a positive agenda. We have a philosophy of protection"-
statement made by David McIntosh in regards to his and other Republicans
efforts to dismantle industry regulations, which protect workers and consumers,
and includes environmental legislation. If all industry regulations
were removed, as McIntosh desires, every "common" American would work more
hours for less pay...not to mention the state the environment would fall
|David McIntosh, who shares many of the same political views as Tom Delay, is the three term representative from Indiana. Among others, he chairs the Government Reform and Oversight subcommittee on National Economic Growth, Natural Resources, and Regulatory Affairs, which largely serves as an instrument of his quest to deregulate most everything, ranging from labor laws to environmental legislation. McIntosh, while criticizing Clinton's fundraising practices, has his own shifty fundraising practices, including trading campaign donations for meetings with industry lobbyists and a money funneling scheme run through his personal PAC..|
Deregulation & Industry Campaign Donations
David McIntosh has largely behaved as Tom Delay's second in command in the House when it comes to the deregulation of industries. Both desire a free trade world where businesses are unregulated and do not have to work under the "burden" of labor and environmental laws. This leads to such measures as the internationally ratified Kyoto Treaty, which would require countries to reduce their greenhouse gas emissions by 5% of their 1998 level, being given little chance of success in the United States. The United States, which is responsible for about 25% of the greenhouse gases, has refused to sign this, primarily due to legislators like McIntosh who would actively prevent its passage. McIntosh has stated that the only effect of the Kyoto treaty would be "to increase the cost of oil and coal,". McIntosh also uses his opposition to industry regulation as a way of generating funds for his campaign, as oftentimes those industries he seeks to remove laws from have donated to his own campaign.
During Tom Delay's moratorium on regulatory legislation (where industry lobbyists helped Delay craft a piece of legislation that would restrict laws that regulate industry; oftentimes these lobbyists had given to his campaign. More on this issue at Tom Delay's page), David McIntosh operated what is known as "the war room". During the debate on this measure on the House floor, McIntosh oversaw his own aides and industry lobbyists who did things like craft responses to the objections raised by, mostly, the House Democrats. One lobbyist, Paul Smith, crafted rebuttals on his desktop and then gave the answers to an aide of McIntosh who sent them out on the floor to be spoken by a Republican legislature who was in favor of the legislation. Among the companies represented in the war room was UPS, who gave McIntosh $12,000 in cash and in-kind contributions in 1995 while the debate on the bill was occurring (in addition to $41,250 they gave to the National Republican Party). UPS has been a longtime leader in workplace injuries and, because of this, wanted to weaken the power of the Occupational Safety and Health Administration to enforce workplace standards. The passage of this bill could save their company several million a year.
David McIntosh is also not afraid to use his subcommittee's power/his anti-regulatory crusade to promote his own fundraising. For his first two years, McIntosh put on 17 "field hearings", where members of affected industries told regulatory horror stories
|of ridiculous and frivolous rules. While holding hearings open to the public is a good idea, its generally not as favorable when the bill under question (the regulatory moratorium bill) has already passed the House. 16 of 17 of these hearings were held AFTER the bill had passed, which means that McIntosh and Co. were hardly seeking new ideas but merely trying to generate popular support for what was an anti-working class bill. Another thing that he was seeking in doing this was, evidently, campaign contributions. In one hearing, a doctor, a roofer, and a car dealer spoke of the insane rules their companies were subjected to in efforts by the government to make their jobs more worker friendly. What the audience was not|
Oddly enough, the same pattern emerges when one considers meetings that have occurred in McIntosh's office. When industry lobbyists meet with David McIntosh, their meetings are often either followed or preceded by a donation to his campaign. Generally, lobbyists seek McIntosh's help in repealing or preventing the passage of a law that would be unfavorable for their industry. Out of 18 corporations or individuals that met with McIntosh or his subcommittee during the passage of the regulatory moratorium, nine of them made donations to McIntosh's campaign within a month of their donations. This included a thousand dollar donation from Phillip Morris. During McIntosh's 1996 reelection bid, $200,000 the $1.3 million raised for his reelection came from companies that had met with either him or his subcommittee. Of this $60,000 came from companies who made their donations within the same month of their meetings.
Shortly after his arrival in Washington DC, David McIntosh founded his own PAC, the Faith, Family, and Freedom PAC. It has been one of his most powerful tools in promoting his own views to other Republicans, as he donates to many Republicans campaigns and thus helps to increase the number of representatives who share his viewpoint in the House. Far more disturbing is that McIntosh has decided to use his PAC as a funnel for donors. He appears to help individual donors violate the campaign finance laws by helping them illegally funnel the money first into his PAC and then into their representative's committee. In addition, he has also done similar things with his PAC with Triad management.
According to Legislate news, David McIntosh used his PAC to increase the amount of donations to an individual candidate beyond legally acceptable means. An individual is prohibited from donating more than $1,000 to a candidate in a federal election. Several oddly timed donations to McIntosh's PAC raise questions about his PAC engaging in an act of money funneling in an effort to violate this law. The PAC, which donated $61,500 to congressional candidates and $15,000 to the Republican National Committee in 1995, upon several occasions received a sum of money from an individual donor. Within the same week, the donor had donated a certain amount (oftentimes the same amount) to a congressional candidate. Within the week, in at least 41 instances, the PAC then made a similar if not identical donation to the same congressional candidate.
|Essentially, the money was being laundered to circumvate campaign finance laws. This is, obviously, highly illegal, particularly since no individuals are on record as having asked that the money to be donated to said candidate (as PACs are required to do if an individual requests such a donation). The agreements that were,|
In addition to this rather blatant case of money funneling, the Faith, Family, and Freedom PAC has also come under congressional investigation for its role with Triad management, a group that matches conservative donors with conservative congressmen (essentially, individuals donate to this group and the money to donated to a congressman's campaign by the company based on the donor's beliefs). McIntosh, who has promoted Triad in their promotional video by saying "I am absolutely committed to Triad", appears to have helped Triad engage in a little money funneling of its own. Several relatives of Senator Sam Brownback (R-Kan.) and Rep. Robert Riley (R-Al.) (after donating the legal limits to their campaigns) donated money to Triad...which then donated money to the Faith, Family, and Freedom PAC...which then donated a similar amount of money to Brownback and Riley's campaigns. In defense of his PACs actions, McIntosh stated "For example, with Brownback, we gave him $5,000 before we received any of those contributions [from his parent-in-laws]. And we certainly didn't know any connection to Sam's campaign when we took the contribution into the PAC." FEC records, however, are in contradiction with McIntosh's statements. The Faith, Family, and Freedom PAC received $2,500 donation from the family of Brownback's on July 26, 1996 and made a $4,000 donation to Brownback's campaign on July 29, 1996.
Defunding the Left
McIntosh is one of the main movers in the right's efforts to defund the left. McIntosh, with Ernest Istook (R-Ok.) sponsored a bill to prevent non-profits from lobbying legislators. Most of the non-profits, including the Girl Scouts, MADD, and the National Council of Senior Citizens, generally oppose the GOPs plans and many receive federal grant money as part of their means of survival. McIntosh's efforts are similar to Dick Armey's, who sent letters to corporations discouraging them from donating to Democrats (and who may have helped to orchestrate this bill by McIntosh), and Tom Delay, who refuses to discuss issues with lobbyists unless they have contributed an acceptable amount to the GOP. McIntosh's amendment, which failed to pass, would have put a $1.1 million cap on state, local, and national lobbying by non-profit organizations that receive federal grants. The bias in this bill is further revealed when McIntosh stated that there were no plans to see if military contractors, who donate heavily to the GOP, should be part of this bill (which they should since they also receive federal grants for defense work and heavily lobby congress). The "sins" of the targeted group include those of the National Council of Senior Citizens, who receive $72 million in government grants to run a temporary employment program for the elderly poor. They also lobby Congress in favor of Medicare. Of course, lobbying congress in favor of building a bunch of tanks that the military doesn't want or need (which happens fairly regularly), is an acceptable place to allow our federal tax dollars to go.
In addition to the creation of this bill, McIntosh also appears to have actively created a false document bearing a similar logo of a non-profit (ie. made to look like a non-profit's stationary). McIntosh (or his staff) created a document on the amount of money received by non-profits. Its masthead looked remarkably like the non-profit Alliance for Justice's (an organization that represents civil-rights groups, arts and public-interest groups) masthead. It appears that either McIntosh or a staff member was trying to make this document look like an Alliance for Justice document. McIntosh was cleared of wrongdoing on this charge (although the House Ethics Board members did mention they were disturbed by the lack of care that had been shown when this document was created).
McIntosh & Drinking
David McIntosh, who claims not to drink, was evidently drunk and rowdy at an airline terminal in June of 1996. McIntosh was charged with assault and battery after two airline employees accused him of trying to push and shove his way onto a plane. They also stated that he was incoherently shouting and reeked of alcohol. The airline employees stated that McIntosh, after being denied entrance onto a place, pushed his way past the airport gate and onto the boarding ramp. During the argument, McIntosh pressed (his hand, evidently) against one airline employee's breasts as he moved through the doorway. McIntosh retreated only after the airline employees threatened to call the police. He was charged with two misdemeanor counts of assault and battery. The charges were dropped after McIntosh apologized for the incident, but he denied drinking.
Congressional Homepage: Usual things found on a congressman's website.
Mother Jones did an expose on McIntosh
The Legislative News article is quite good.
Click on the McIntosh graphic above to return to House of Crooks