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LONDON (AFP) - Ten men, believed to be Algerians, were being held under Britain's anti-terrorism laws following dawn raids in London and Manchester, a Metropolitan Police spokeswoman told AFP.
Six of the men were arrested at residences in north, east and southeast London, while the others were taken into custody in northwestern Manchester, she said Tuesday.
"The operations are part of ongoing and extensive inquiries by the Anti-Terrorist Branch into alleged terrorist activities," she said. "Searches are currently being carried out at all residential premises."
The men were identified only by letters A through J, with four of those in London, and one in Manchester, described as being in their 30s. No ages were available for the others.
replies: 32 comments Comments are open and unmoderated, although obscene or abusive remarks may be deleted.
Opinions expressed do not necessarily reflect the views of Little Green Footballs.
I'm trying to understand their root causes for getting involved with terrorism. [yah right]
Nationalistic reasons? Algeria doesn't like France. Britain doesn't like France, therefore Algerians & Brits should co-operate. That doesn't work.
Political reasons? These men are more than likely assylum seekers. Probably they belong to outlawed Islamic parties & would face arrest or worse in Algeria. Handling Terrorists in Algeria But in that case they should be fighting the Algerian government not the British people.
I really hope the GSPC have started operations on UK soil. If so, they've got a massive number of Algerian terrorists and "ex"-terrorists in London, people that France want for various terrorist offences.
Colt, I did read something about Algerian terrorists moving their HQ to Britain because France had cracked down on them after the underground attacks. I'll see if I can find it.
Western civilization is polluted with terrorist-refugees. Under UN dictate, any koranimal who claims to have a "well founded fear of persecution" is permitted to import his jihad into the Free World.
If it was within my power, I would deport these savages to their country of origin with the condition that information will be extracted from them, prior to execution. Egypt currently holds 20,000 islamofascists within its prison system. Aid to Egypt needs to be withheld until this vermin is executed en toto.
The West needs to accept mass execution as an acceptable means for stifling inherent islamic imperialist aggression. The events of 9-11, which were openly endorsed by about 60% of all muslims, prove that the enemy is not afraid to kill en masse. Mega-death scenarios must become part of our counter-terror reportoire.
I find the daily support for ambushes of American soldiers, by the vermin of Fallujah (Iraq) increasingly annoying. That dirty little swamp of 500,000 jihadis needs to be carpet-bombed, ASAP.
Al-Jihadzeera is now officially a wing of al-Qaeda:
Ten Years of Algerian Self-Destruction Anton Christen Just a decade ago, in January 1992, Algeria's generals put an abrupt and brutal end to the attempt by that country's Islamists to take power in a legal manner. The fundamentalists of the Islamic Salvation Front (FIS – Front islamique du salut) were on the way to turning the relative majority they had won in the first round of parliamentary elections into an absolute majority in the runoff balloting. But the generals were not prepared to relinquish their power and privileges as the self-styled political arbitrators of the nation to a pack of preachers and intellectuals claiming to be the advocates of the poor and disenfranchised – especially because, since the introduction of the multiparty system to Algeria, many Islamists had already shown themselves willing and able to resort to violence. The military leaders forced the resignation of President Chadli Bendjedid, cancelled the second round of parliamentary elections and installed a junta under the nominal leadership of the ex-independence fighter Mohammed Boudiaf.
The Algerian security forces brought the full weight of the state's repressive apparatus to bear against the Islamists; death sentences were pronounced by military courts, political parties were dissolved, demonstrations banned, and internment camps set up in the Sahara. Thanks largely to the iron-fisted regime, militant followers of the FIS became convinced that the only way to salvage the election that had been stolen from them was by violence. Confirmed in their determination, they moved against military targets, but soon began attacking civilians as well, reckoning that with their widespread popular support they would have an easy time defeating an army consisting of insecure militia troops. Between 1994 and '97 they did indeed operate largely unhampered in the larger cities and gained control over large segments of the country.
But under the slogan "Terrorize the terrorists," the army and various special units struck back with extraordinary brutality. Reliable "patriots" were issued weapons and embarked on vigilante hunts for terrorists – often enough with personal self-enrichment and vengeance as the real motives. After the horrors of the war for independence, in which more than 150,000 Algerians lost their lives, Islamic terrorism and state counter-terror once again tore deep wounds in the fabric of Algerian society. In August 1999, President Abdelaziz Bouteflika declared that at least 100,000 people had been killed since 1992 in the country's civil war. Since then, the apparently inexorable self-destruction has taken many more victims – more than 100 since the start of this year alone.
The Algerian army's greatest success to date in its battle against terrorism came in 1997, when it pushed the FIS's armed wing, the Armée islamique du salut (AIS), so far into a corner that it agreed to a cease-fire. Two and a half years later, President Bouteflika granted AIS fighters immunity from punishment, which prompted them to disband their combat units. Along with the AIS fighters, several thousand members of smaller armed groups took advantage of Bouteflika's offer of a partial amnesty. But many of those repentant Islamists have since gone back underground. The two terrorist groups which rejected Bouteflika's amnesty offer out of hand – the Groupe islamique armé (GIA), notorious for its atrocities, and Hassan Hattab's Groupe salafiste pour la prédication et le combat – appear to have no difficulty finding new recruits to compensate for their losses..............
............Paradoxically, the military strength of the Algerian terrorists resides in their fragmentation: there is no "center" which could be smashed or conquered with a single blow. They find ready sanctuary in the rugged, often heavily wooded Atlas Mountains and their foothills. Another attraction is the shameless self-enrichment through robbery and extortion which, despite all the danger, makes remaining a guerrilla more attractive than life in Algeria's cities, plagued as they are by unemployment and housing shortages.
Over the years, however, the impression has arisen that the country's security forces are not only incapable of wiping out terrorism, but that, despite some generals' rhetoric of eradication, in the final analysis they do not want to stop it. Among the indications is the odd passivity of army units during terrorist attacks in the immediate vicinity of their barracks. That could be interpreted as self-protection, but equally as a deliberate holding back, with the intention of keeping the people in a state of fear in which the question of the legitimacy of the ruling military caste will no longer be posed. So far, Algeria has consistently rejected an international investigation into the background of the massacres and the possible links between terrorists and the security forces.
Moreover, the systematic blocking of all political ways out of the vicious cycle of violence indicates where the generals' true interests reside. To date, these decision-makers have rejected all attempts at giving those FIS Islamists willing to renounce violence a place in the nation's political life. In 1995 they smashed the so-called Rome Platform – an action program proposed by a number of Algerian opposition parties (including the FIS) under the aegis of Sant' Egidio, a Catholic lay organization – as shameless foreign interference in Algeria's internal affairs. Among the points proposed in the program were the legalization of the FIS, a return to the constitutional legality of 1989, and the creation of a representative National Assembly to prepare free elections.
Although President Bouteflika has repeatedly condemned the cancellation of the 1992 election process as an "act of violence," he has been unable (or not permitted) to rehabilitate the FIS. The movement's two leaders, Benhadj and Madani, are still behind bars or under house arrest. Instead of closing the regime's admitted legitimacy gap, Bouteflika's edict on "civil harmony" has turned out to be a halfhearted and ultimately unsuccessful attempt to exonerate the armed forces. The Algerian regime is also refusing to grant legal status to the party of independent Islamist Taleb Ibrahimi, which has become an umbrella for otherwise homeless FIS supporters.
The price of this political rigidity is a deepening of social tensions and divisions. Since April 2001, when a university student died violently while in police custody, there have been almost daily demonstrations in Kabylia, a region of the country inhabited mostly by Berbers. The demonstrators' demands range from such old issues as recognition of the Berber language as a national tongue alongside Arabic to a call for the government to finally get serious about combating Algeria's underdevelopment, impoverishment and "clochardization." Much as it does to the FIS demands for legalization, the government reacts to the unrest in Kabylia with a mixture of minimal concessions, violent suppression, and attempts to divide the organizers of the protest.
President Bouteflika, as well as military men like former Defense Minister Nezzar, have made every effort to exploit the worldwide recoil from the terrorist attacks of September 11, including statements to the effect that "now the world knows what it means to have to suffer from murderous Islamists." Bouteflika does not even bother to distinguish between the terrorists of the GIA and the exiled leaders of the FIS, who have unequivocally condemned the attacks of September 11. He hopes to benefit from the current "security boom" in the West, in that it may serve to mute Western criticism of Algerian human rights practices and silence the call for a democratic opening. The European Union appears to have complied all too swiftly with Algeria's push for international respectability by concluding the long interrupted negotiations on a treaty of association. But the pact can and should also be used as a lever with which to remind Algeria of the political obligations it has undertaken: to respect human rights and safeguard democratic usances.
Sunny Day - Sweepin’ the "Kufirs" away On my way to where the hellfires are sweet Can you tell me how to get, How to get to Shahid Street
Come and play, everything’s A-OK Seething neighbors with lots of Infidels to beat! Can you tell me how to get How to get to Shahid Street
It’s a magic carpet ride Every door will blown open wide, Kill Unbelievers like you and "splodydopes" like me..
What a hateful Sunny Day... blowin' everyone away On my way to where the virgin...er...raisins are sweet Can you tell me how to get, How to get to Shahid street, How to get to Shahid Street, How to get to . . .
Rubber Ducky, you're the one. You make bath time lots of fun Rubber Ducky, I'm awfully fond of you. Rubber Ducky, joys of joys When I squeak you, you make noise Rubber Ducky, you're my very best friend, it's true!
Everyday when I make my way to the tubby I find a little fella who' cute, yellow, and chubby. (rub-a-dub-a-dubby)
Rubber Ducky you're so fine And I'm lucky that you're mine Rubber Ducky, I'm awfully fond of you.
Everyday when I make my way to the tubby I find a little fella who's cute, yellow, and chubby. (rub-a-dub-a-dubby)
Rubber Ducky, you're so fine And I'm glad that you're mine Rubber Ducky I'm awfully fond of... Rubber Ducky I'd like a whole pond of . . . Rubber Ducky I'm awfully fond of you.
The British gov't and press will give you the name, address, telephone number and shoe size of every UK citizen caught shoplifting but won't disclose the identities of these members of the RoP. It wouldn't be polite.
#2 SoCalJustice
Lol!
#10 Smit
Everyone likes to talk about France or Holland being the first European country under Sharia but the UK remains the chic hangout for Islamic terrorists who are thrown out elsewhere.
I once spent an entire hour and a half long ride home from a field trip in my biology teacher's van, and all he had for music was a tape of the rubber ducky song, which one of my classmates kept rewinding and playing over and over again.
My ass is twitching... Rubber ducky makes my ass twitch.
Hey, y'all dig on the cool Roman name Tim Dunkin gave me. Righteous brotha that he is.
#23 Lucia Flavia Mensa (aka Stormi) - Cool name. Since your dating a younger man, how about this from now on: Lucia Flavia Mensa (how Stormi got her groove back)
A lot of good info, with one critical error. The armed forces of Algeria moved against the islamists because the constitution was threatened. The islamist sought election on the slogan: "one-man-one-vote-one-time."
It may sound paradoxical to overturn a democratic choice in the name of democracy, however, it makes sense in the Algerian context.
But these are truly nightmarish propositions. It is also conceivable that we may lose sight of who we are, even though we make provisions that such acts are only for the interim of the war.
Yet the problem of who the enemy is persists, as day by day reveals that a teacher, chaplain, university professors, translators and all manner of ordinary moderate muslims are in fact really jihadists or facilitators of jihad.
The only thing that will really solve this problem is to divide the world into muslim and non-muslim land. In fact to concede to muslims that dal-al islam exists and to forcefully or otherwise, invite muslims to depart for same.
A relatively straightforward policy that requires no mass extinction as in Conjecture 3 or mass murder. The aftermath is, we dont have to take our shoes of at airports and other demeaning procedures. And we dont have to continually be suspicuous of our neighbour's allegiance to our way of life.
Young useful idiots are everywhere. Can the police afford to let them be for a process of surveilance? Would they know how? Well, I suspect these are not all key arrests, but there's hope.
#21 Henry - I'm afraid you're right - we're still having a kerfuffle ;) over extraditing terrorist enablers. On the other hand, the Terrorism Act of 2000 does give the police some needed powers!
So there remains a statistical possibility that these guys are either Baptists or Hassidic.
And remember, it's just a few hundred miles from Rome, so we can't rule out Opus Dei either.
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