The Hill

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IN THIS ISSUE
 

APRIL 2, 2003

With this issue, The Hill launches weekly columns by two of the country’s most respected political pollsters, Republican David B. Hill and Democrat Mark S. Mellman.
Their insights into political trends and their analysis of the numbers will usually be part of an expanded Campaign section, covering elections across the country.
Today, however, their subject is the war in Iraq, and how it is regarded by Americans – and Iraqis.

Survey along the Tigris River

We’re immersed in polling data that monitor American and British opinion about the war in Iraq, but those opinions may be the second and third most important to measure. What are ordinary Iraqi citizens thinking? After all, isn’t much of our war strategy aimed at winning their hearts and minds?

Some commentators look at the angry street images from Baghdad after errant missiles hit downtown markets, killing civilians, and assume that Iraqi opinion is hard and set against the U.S. war on Saddam. But that may be like seeing TV images of American protest marches and assuming that a majority of Americans opposes the war. In reality, polls show that American war opponents are a relatively small minority.

Hill

So TV images can mislead. Do we really have any insight on the attitudes and opinions of Baghdad residents who stay in their homes, away from the cameras?

Probably no truly random polls of Iraqi opinion are being conducted these days. Iraq’s official newspaper, Al Thawra, reported a poll taken in 2002 in which Iraqis chose Osama bin Laden as their “2001 Man of the Year.” But a CNN report on that poll’s sample revealed weird data — 30 percent men and 40 percent women — raising questions about what other genders there may be. A majority of respondents were students (54 percent), leaving working folk in the minority.

Could a serious, American-style telephone poll be taken in Iraq? Not really, because only 3 to 4 percent of Iraqi households have a phone, the same as in the United States in 1910, and less than half the current 10-percent international figure for home-phone use. A United Nations study says that more than 400,000 phones were knocked out by the first Gulf War, but the CIA Fact Book says there are at least 675,000 lines today — and our forces don’t seem intent on knocking them out.

That’s not much of a phone system to work with, but it’s a start if someone cared to try polling along the Tigris. In a way, someone already has. Recent news reports said Palestinian groups adopted the moral equivalent of “negative push polling,” reportedly placing random telephone calls to Iraqi homes after the invasion began, voicing solidarity and brotherhood in their opposition to American war aims.

Meanwhile, in the absence of reliable current poll data, I examined the up-and-coming alternative of Internet polls, cruising through Iraqi websites, rejecting those that seemed to have an extreme bias one way or another in their polls and postings.

Because Iraq has little Internet access, most web voters are probably Iraqi expatriates, but it’s most likely the best data we can get under the circumstances. I settled on Iraq.net, Iraq4u.com and iraqipapers.com to get a flavor of Iraqi thought. Here are some tantalizing Iraqi poll results:

• How long will it take American troops to take down the Iraqi leadership? Days, 3 percent; weeks, 30 percent; months, 39 percent; years, 27 percent.

• Will Iraqis welcome the American occupation as liberation? Yes, 36 percent; no, 54 percent; unsure, 10 percent.

• Will Iraqis celebrate in the streets when Saddam is gone? Yes, 63 percent; no, 32 percent; unsure, 5 percent.

• About the 1998 U.S. Iraq Liberation Act (which expressed the sense of the U.S. Congress that Saddam must be replaced by a transition to democracy): Support it totally, 29 percent; support it, but don’t like outsider interference, 5 percent; don’t support it because the interference of outsiders and the American government is very hardly to be trusted, 62 percent; haven’t decided yet, 4 percent.

• Should the Baath party be banned after removal of Saddam’s regime? Yes, 74 percent; no, 19 percent; don’t know, 6 percent.

• How are you dealing with the crisis? Prayer, 32 percent; being optimistic, 31 percent; less news, 12 percent; exercise, 5 percent; other, 20 percent.

• Future Iraqi constitution? Totally secular, 23 percent; secular, but cannot contradict Islam, 75 percent; Islamic, 2 percent.

• Which of these values comes first to you? My homeland, 42 percent; religion, 38 percent; ethnicity, 4 percent; political party, 2 percent; other, 13 percent.

• After Saddam, I expect Iraq to have: democracy, 38 percent; civil war, 21 percent; religious rule, 10 percent; breakup, 8 percent; who knows, 22 percent.

It’s a mixed bag, as you can see. There is a lot of persuasion to be done to overcome Iraqi suspicion of American aims. And for democracy to function, more work needs to be done to bridge divergent opinions. Uncertainty and discouragement are notable. Pondering a post-Saddam Iraq, a Georgetown University professor recently speculated, “A thousand people selected at random from the Baghdad phone book would be a better alternative” to run the country than the existing government bureaucracy. Maybe we’ll soon get a chance to see if that’s true.

Dr. David B. Hill is director of Hill Research Consultants, a Texas-based firm that has polled for Republican candidates and causes since 1988. His clientele has included governors and members of Congress, as well as prominent national interest groups and organizations.