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Signs of identity in Lady with a Fan by Diego Velazquez: costume and likeness reconsidered - Critical Essay
The Art Bulletin,  March, 2004  by Zahira Veliz
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Continued from page 9.

(67.) The royal decree, Pregon en que su Magestad manda que ninguna muger de qualquier estado, y calidad que sea, pueda traer, ni traiga guardainfante. ..., was issued in Seville, April 1639.

(68.) Deleito y Pinuela (as in n. 50), 157; see also Maria Jose y Pedro Voltes, Las mujeres en la historia de Espana (Barcelona: Planeta, 1986), 78.

(69.) Harris, 1975 (as in n. 23), 19.

(70.) Carmen Bernis, "El 'vestido Frances' en la Espana de Felipe IV," Archivo Espanol de Arte 55 (1982): 201-8.

(71.) Bomli, 128. The rarity of the guardainfante in everyday life is further suggested by the feminine costume recorded in views of public events or places by Velazquez's assistant and son-in-law, Juan Martinez del Mazo, such as The Street of the Queen in Aranjuez, in the Prado.

(72.) Carlos Garcia, Antipatia de los franceses y espanoles (Rouen, 1627), 261: "Un Frances siendo favorecido de su Dama, no estudia en otra cosa que en mostrar a sus amigos, y a todo el mundo su privanca y favor Cosa que estremamente aborrece el Espanol, pues quando esto le sucede pone toda su diligencia y cuydado en cubrir del mundo, de sus amigos, y de si mismo (si puede) este contento. Y finalmente se hallan en este particular dos movimientos contrarios entre ellos, porque el Frances procura sacar fuera lo que esta dentro escondido: y el Espanol al contrario, no procura otro que esconder lo que esta fuera."

(73.) Bernis (as in n. 70), 201.

(74.) Although Lopez-Rey, 388, catalogues this work as autograph, recent scholarly opinion appears less favorable: "Although listed in the Carpio collection, Madrid, 1677, as an original by Velazquez, the face mask is a very careful copy from [Lady with a Fan], and elsewhere the execution is inferior, as was apparent when the two paintings were placed side by side in 1981" (Ingamells, 412). In such a comparison, however, the Chatsworth painting would be at a disadvantage because of the heavy and discolored varnish that still obscures much detail. A more informative comparison between the paintings could be made if they were equally visible. Revelations might also arise from a comparison of X-radiographs of the two images. In the meantime, it seems only fair to maintain an open mind about the authorship of the Chatsworth painting.

(75.) Lopez-Rey, 388.

(76.) Ibid.

(77.) Ibid. Lopez-Rey translates the dimensions in the Carpio inventory as 44 by 38 in. (112 by 97 cm). The painting now measures 38 1/2 by 19 1/2 in. (98 by 49 cm).

(78.) Mary Elizabeth Perry and Anne J. Cruz, Culture and Control in Counter-Reformation Spain (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1992). See esp. chap. 6, "Magdalens and Jezebels in Counter-Reformation Spain," 124-44, and chap. 7, "La Bella Malmaridada: Lessons for the Good Wife," 145-71. See also Mary Elizabeth Perry, Gender and Disorder in Early Modern Seville (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1990), passim.

(79.) Gesture was also intellectually fashionable as a model universal language, a theory supported by the Europeans' contact with indigenous peoples with whom communication was often best achieved through signs. See James R. Knowlson, "The Idea of Gesture as a Universal Language in the XVIIth and XVIIIth Centuries," Journal of the History of Ideas 26 (1965): 495-598.

(80.) Adolfo Carrasco Martinez, "Fisonomia de la virtud: Gestos, movimientos y palabras en la cultura cortesano-artistocratica del siglo XVII," Reales Sitios 38, no. 147 (2001): 26-37.

(81.) See Gordenker (as in n. 10), passim.

(82.) Herman Roodenburg, "The Hand of Friendship," in A Cultural History of Gesture, ed. Roodenburg and Jan Bremmer (Ithaca, N.Y.: Cornell University Press, 1991), 160-61.

(83.) Garcia (as in n. 72), 287.

(84.) Ibid., 205-6: "Si preguntamos a un espanol que le parece del modo y costumbre que los franceses tienen en saludar las damas besandoles en el rostro, allegandose a ellas y tocandoles con desenvoltura y libertad que se practica en Francia, verdaderamente perdera los estribos de la paciencia y sera del todo imposible podelle persuadir que la tal ceremonia tenga algo de civil y cortes. Y al juicio de un frances, la cortesia, urbanidad y recato de los espanoles parecera la cosa mas barbara y grosera del mundo."

(85.) Ibid.

(86.) Roodenburg (as in n. 82), 157.

(87.) Nicolas Faret, The Honest Man: or, The Art to Please in Court, trans. E. Grimestone (London, 1632).

(88.) Jacques du Bosque, La honneste femme, 2nd ed. (Paris, 1636), translated as The Accomplish'd Woman: Written originally in French and since made English by the Honourable Walter Montagu esq. (London, 1656).

(89.) Faret (as in n. 87), 362-63.

(90.) Ibid., 370-76.

(91.) Du Bosque, 1656 (as in n. 88), 28.

(92.) Ibid., 113.

(93.) Perry (as in n. 78), 68.

(94.) Friar Vicente Mexia, Saludable instruccion del estado del matrimonio (Cordoba, 1566), 135, 213.

(95.) Manuela Mena Marques, "La imagen de la mujer en la pintura espanola en comparacion con la pintura italiana," in Actas de las terceras jornadas de investigacion interdisciplinaria: La imagen de la mujer en el arte espanol (Madrid: Seminario de Estudios de la Mujer, Universidad Autonoma de Madrid, 1984). 87-111, at 87.

(96.) Perry (as in n. 78), 58. Perry cites the example that illegitimate births accounted for 25 percent of births recorded in Seville at the end of the 16th century, and in 1650 the number had dropped to 10 percent.

(97.) Ibid., 53-54.

(98.) Palomino, vol. 2, 264-65. Palomino discusses the moral danger of portraits being used to excite sensual delight and cautions both the commissioner of such a work and the painter who makes it against falling into insidious sin.

(99.) Copia de los pareceres, y censuras de los reverendisimos padres maestros, y senores catedraticos de las insignes universidades de Salamanca y Alcala, y de otras personas doctas. Sobre el abuso de la figuras, y pinturas lascivas, y deshonestas .... (Madrid, 1632), in Francisco Calvo Serraller, ed., Teoria de la pintura del siglo de oro (Madrid: Catedra, 1981), 235-58.

(100.) Palomino, "La practica de la pintura," vol. 2, 385: "Y si fuere el sitio ... habitacion de senoras, debe huirse totalmente de las fabulas, buscando siempre asuntos nobles, decorosos, honestos, y ejemplares."

(101.) This engraving is based on a painting once in the collection of Charles I and sold at Christie's, London, Oct. 28, 1966, lot 45. The painting was inscribed "Maria de Rohan" and signed and dated 1628. Although Sir Oliver Millar expressed the view that the painting does not represent Maria de Rohan (see the note in Christie's sale catalogue), the woman portrayed bears some resemblance to the face in the Versailles portrait (Fig. 4).

(102.) Roche (as in n. 42), 51.

(103.) Memorial historico espanol, 414-15: "la venida de la Gebrose [Chevreuse] ha sido maliciosa y trazada por el Cardenal, porque ella aseguro ... el acomodamiento con Inglaterra, con el casamiento de nuestro principe con su hija, y adelante se vera como nos engano afrentosamente .... De esta manera guarda la paz el ingles, y de esta manera nos engana Richelieu por medio de una muger; pues cuando ella estaba ofreciendo aqui la amistad del ingles, habia el echado en campana su ejercito para ayudar a su sobrino contra el Imperio" (The arrival of the Chevreuse was maliciously planned by the Cardinal, because she gave assurance ... of agreement with England, and the marriage of our prince with the daughter [of England, that is, of Charles I], and before long it would be seen how boldly she deceived us .... This is how the English keep peace, and in this way Richelieu deceives us through the offices of a woman, for while she was here offering friendship with the English, they had sent the army on campaign to help his [Charles I's] nephew against the empire).

(104.) J. H. Elliott, "The Year of the Three Ambassadors," in History and Imagination, ed. Hugh Lloyd-Jones et al. (London: Duckworth, 1981).

(105.) Lopez-Rey, 388.

(106.) Ibid.

(107.) Ibid.

(108.) The portrait painted by Velazquez of the duke of Modena in 1638 accompanied the sitter when he returned to Italy, and there is even evidence that he paid Velazquez for it. So a foreigner leaving Spain with a portrait by Velazquez was not without precedent.

(109.) Pedro Calderon de la Barca, El pintor de su deshonra, ed. Manuel Ruis Lagos, Coleccion Aula Magna, no. 19 (Madrid: Alcala, 1969). For Quevedo, see n. 20 above.

Frequently Cited Sources

Beaulieu, Michele, Contribution a l'etude de la mode a Paris: Les tranformations du costume elegant sous le regne de Louis XIII (1610-1643) (Paris: Librairie R. Munier, 1936).

Bomli, P. W., La femme dans l'Espagne du siecle d'or (The Hague: Martinus Nijhoff, 1950).

Ingamells, John, The Wallace Collection: Catalogue of Pictures (London: Trustees of the Wallace Collection, 1985-92).

Lopez-Rey, Jose, Velazquez: The Artist as a Maker, with a Catalogue Raisonne of His Extant Works (Paris: Bibliotheque des Arts, 1979).

 
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