The Treasure of Ziwiye(Part 2.)

Influence of such craftsmen from the West may also be noted in some of the gold work said to have been part of the treasure of Ziwiye. Our first example is a crescent-shaped pectoral originally worn on a chain around the neck. [17] The representation on the pectoral is divided into two registers, each with a tree in the middle, flanked in the upper register by ibexes and in the lower by winged bulls. Monsters approach from either side. In the upper register there is on either side a sphinx, an Assyrian winged human-headed bull with a horned feather-crown, and an equally Assyrian lion-headed griffin. In the middle of our plate is the small fragment on which a larger and a smaller animal are embossed, the larger one in particular rendered in a style which is considered typically Scythian. Distinctively Scythian features are the heart-shaped ear, the circular eye, the upcurving lips and the abstract body markings. The heart-shaped [p. 130] ear is also seen on a horseÕs cheek-piece of bone, of Scythian style, said to have been found in Ziwiye.

Among the monsters following on either side behind the winged bulls of Assyrian type in the lower register of the pectoral is a bull-man with hands raised as if to support a singed sun-disk, a very common posture for bull-men in Assyrian cylinder and stamp seals of the late eighth and seventh centuries B.C. [18] Behind the bull-man comes a griffin, followed by a ram-headed winged lion and a sphinx sitting on its haunches.

The ram-headed winged lion is repeatedly found in ivories of northern Syria and Phoenicia. [19] The same is true of the apron which hangs between the forelegs of most of the monsters on the pectoral and which developed at an earlier time from the lengthened mane of Egyptian lions. [20]

In an object related to the pectoral another very distinctive northern Syrian feature was noted--the bird-headed tip of the griffin tail. [21] On such minute observations as are enumerated here must be based statements concerning the influence of the art of one region on the products of another.

One wonders about the addition of the Scythian animals to the pectoral with predominantly Assyrian and Syrian monsters. Certainly, the crouching bodies of these Scythian animals fitted easily into the available space at the end of the register, but was this the only reason for their addition? Or were these animals, with what we recognize as stylistic characteristics of Scythian animals in general, thought by the makers of the pectoral [and of other related objects] to be distinctive features of a new type of monster which had its own and perhaps quite specific meaning? Unfortunately such questions may never be answered.

Finally we turn to the tree designs of the pectoral. These are un-Assyrian in that they are composed of ribbons in place of a stem and that the place of palmettres is taken by blossoms and buds in which rimmed round forms predominate; lastly, the tree seems to grow from a knoll. Such tree designs have been associated with Urartian style, and the gold work of Ziwiye has been regarded as having been made in the Urartian tradition of metal-working. [22] That local tradition played a greater role in the Ziwiye gold work than was formerly assumed is, however, indicated by the shape of one of these objects, which turned out to be an epaulette, so far unknown elsewhere. [23]

Moreover, it is not impossible that a tradition existed which linked the gold work of Marlik, however slightly, to that of Ziwiye. Though no thorough study of such a tradition has been possible as yet, owing to insufficient publication of the material from Marlik, two small details may be mentioned here. Both details are found in representations of griffins, one on a gold bowl from Marlik, [24][p. 132] another on the pectoral reproduced in Plate 37. The Marlik griffin has a small curl at the inception of his crest; such a curl also appears on the crest of the griffin in the pectoral, but pointing in the opposite direction. Furthermore, the griffin of the same Marlik bowl has rows of small bead-like teeth lining his beak, as have the gold griffin heads from Ziwiye worked in the round, one of which is reproduced here. As in all griffins, the eagle's head was combined with the body of a lion, here indicated only by the forepaws of the beast. The griffin foreparts formed a set with those of two lions, all of them thought to have once belonged to a cauldron, though this is merely a guess based on analogy with Greek cauldrons. [25] Some relations seem to have existed between Greek and Near Eastern griffins of the seventh century B.C. The direction in which the griffin's features traveled, however, is still the subject of sharp controversies among scholars. [26]

The last gold object from Ziwiye to be discussed here is the bracelet with lions in the collection of A.B. Martin. [27] Two pairs of small lions, probably meant to represent young animals, face each other in the middle of the bracelet, while the ends are formed of the heads of adult lions, one of which could be removed to facilitate putting the bracelet on.

The gable-shaped foreheads and semi-globular bumps on the ears of the little lions resemble those of Neo-Hittite stone sculptures in such south-eastern Anatolian or northern Syrian sites as Sincirli. [28] The closest relationship, however, seems to exist with a bronze lion head from a cauldron found in the Urartian fortress of Karmir Blur and inscribed with the name of the Urartian king Sardur II [764-735 B.C.]. [29] The head from Karmir Blue, however, has none of the stylization of folds into slanting planes, forming sharp arises, which characterize the animals and even determine the shape of the hoop of the golden bracelet.

Such sharp lines and smooth planes probably pleased the ancient wearers and viewers as much as they attract modern visitors in museums. In fact the full effect of shining glistening gold had never been fully realized in earlier techniques of gold-working. A comparison of the ribbons in the tree design of the pectoral with those of the fragment in the University Museum in Philadelphia shows how much more strikingly the quality of the gold is stressed by the new technique. Even if this technique was really derived from work in wood or bone, [30] its effectiveness in gold would have assured its success with the gold-loving Scythians to whom it has been particularly ascribed.

It has been suggested that the 'mixture at Ziwiye and elsewhere of Urartian with occasional Scythian elements surely may be taken as typical of the Medes.' [31]

It may be preferable, however, to reserve judgment on the label to be given to the Ziwiye treasure until more precise information is available about the date of the Ziwiye citadel and more is perhaps learnt about the earlier artistic activities of the Medes. [p. 134]

NOTES:
1. The first report on the general topography of the place of discovery was made by Godard in Ziwiyè, pp. 5-8. Corrections of Godard's statements were given by Cuyler Young in Proto-Historic Western Iran, pp. 50-52. The summarizing remarks here made are based on the observations of Cuyler Young, op. cit.; of R. H. Dyson in 'Archaeological Scrap: Glimpses of History at Ziwiye,' Expedition 5 [Spring 1963], pp. 32-37, and on my own impressions of the site.

2. Dyson, op. cit. [in note X/1], p. 34.

3. On the evaluation of the Assyrian attitude to war, see W. von Soden, 'Die Assyrer und der Krieg,' Irag XXXV [1963], pp. 131-144, especially p. 139.

4. The movements of the Medes have been interestingly reconstructed by Cyler Young in Proto-Historic Western Iran, see especially pp. 229-254, 'The Coming of the Iranians to Western Iran: A Historical Reconstruction'.

5. K. Jettmar, 'Ausbreitungsweg und sozialer Hintergrund des eurasiatischen Tierstils,' Mitteilungen der Anthropodogischen Gesellschaft in Wien XCII [1962] [Festschrift Franz Hancar], p. 185.

6. This is the tentative opinion of V. E. Crawford and R. H. Dyson, Jr., who excavated at Ziwiye in the summer of 1964.

7. The two troughs from Ur described as of copper were discussed by R. D. Barnett in 'The Treasure of Ziwiye.' Irag XVIII [1956], pp. 111-116. Barnett referred, Ibid., p. 114, note 4, to the object from Zincirli publishd by F. von Luschan and W. Andrae, Ausgrabungen in Sendschirli V [Staatliche Museen zu Berlin, Mittenhungen aus den orientalischen Sammlungen, Heft XV, 1943], Pl. 57, text pp. 118-119.

8. Tributaries with such models are seen on the strip reproduced by C. K. Wilkinson, 'More Details on Ziwiye,' Iraq XXII [1960], p. 214, Fig. 2. A photograph of a tributary carrying a model of a town from a relief of Sargon II is conveniently reproduced by Barnett in Iraq XII [1950], p. 5, Fig. 3, for the Urartian model of bronze, see ibid., Pl. I. The large vessel which has the relative size of the gold vessel from Hasanlu is seen in Wilkinson's drawing, op. cit., p . 216, Fig. 6, the fifth figure from the left.

9. Sargon's robe, carefully re-drawn, is conveniently reproduced in A. I. Oppenheim's article, 'The Golden Garments of the Gods,' JNES VIII [1949], p. 184, Fig. 18. See also Botta-Flandin, Nineveh II, Pl. 101. The pattern of squares with an inscribed dot appears to have survived in Achaemenid times, as is shown by an ivory plaque from Susa, MDPXXX [1947], p. 88, Fig. 56:4.

10. Von Luschan-Audrae, Ausgrabungen in Sendschirli V [cited in note X/7], Pl. 68 b; 70 s; text, p . 132.

11. A garment pattern showing a hero fighting a lion is seen in Layard, Monuments of Nineveh, Pl. 8.

12. For a tree resembling in the multiple interlaced tendrils that of the ivory plaque, see for example Botta-Flandin, Monument de Nineve II, Pl. 119. An example of a related design in a cylinder seal is in the Newell Collection; OIP XXII [1934], PL. XXX:443.

13. The ivories of local style were reprodced by Godard in Ziwiyè, pp. 105, 106, Figs. 91, 92. An ivory box from Hasanlu in a related style was published in Archaeology 16 [Summer 1963], p. 132. Even more closely related ivories from that site were published in Archeology 17 [Spring 1964], pp. 6, 10.

14. Fragments of painted glazed earthenware vessels were picked up by us on the excursion described by Dyson in Expedition 5 [1963], pp. 32-37.

15. The Assyrian painted and glazed earthenware vessels were discussed by W. Andrae in Coloured Ceramics, pp. 33-57. The most elaborately decorated vessel of this type found in the tombs of Assur contained a few remains of the bones of a cremated corpse and was in tomb dated in the end of the Assyrian Empire, see A. Haller, Die Gräber und Grüfte von Assur [WVDOG 65, 1954], pp. 98-99, s. v. Grab 667. Small vessels which have the same wreath of pointed petals on the shoulder were found in a tomb 30, classified as Neo-Assyrian and possibly dated shortly after 805 B.C. [ibid., pp. 109-110] and in tomb 58, which had Neo-Assyrian tablets and was likewise dated Neo-Assyrian [ibid., p. 158].

16. For delicate wreaths of petals on an Egyptian vessel, see the jar, probably from El 'Amarna,' about 1365 B.C., reproduced by N. E. Scot in the Bulletin of the Metropolitan Museum of Art [November 1956], p. 83, No. 9.

17. The pectoral was reconstructed by Godard from various fragments, see Ziwiyè, p. 20, Fig. 10. Such a pectoral is worn by a beardless Urartian human-headed bovine creature described by Barnett as a bull-woman; see Irag XII [1950], Pl. VI. The ornament is placed somewhat lower there than in Assyrian reliefs; see the rendering of the royal armour-bearer in a relief of Ashurnasirpal II [883-859 B. C.] published by the Metropolitan Museum of Art in The Great King . . . King of Assyria [New York, 1945], Pl. I.

18. The motif of ull-men with raised arms supporting a winged sun-disk is probably of North Syrian origin, but the closest prototype for the posture of the bull-man on the pectoral is found in Neo-Assyrian cylinder seals and stamps of the time of Sargon II and later. Examples are Corpus I, Nos. 771, 772, and 793.

19. For comment on the ram-headed lion or ram-sphinx, see Barnett, Nimrud Ivories [cited in note V/54], p. 87.

20. For the origin of the apron or kilt of the monsters see H. J. Kantor, 'Oriental Institute Museum Notes, No. 11: A Fragment of a Gold Appliqué from Ziwiye . . . , ' JNES XIX [1960], p. 7 and note 8.

21. The bird-headed top of the griffin's tail was noted by Kantor, op. cit. in note X/20, p. 7.

22. Quoted from Kantor, op. cit. in note X/20, p. 13.

23. The gold epaulette was published by C. K. Wilkinson in 'Treasure from the Mannean Land,' Bulletin of the Metropolitan Museum of Art [ April 1963], p. 277, Fig. 5.

24. The gold bowl from Marlik on which these features occur was published in the Illustrated London News [April 28, 1962], Supplement, Pl. II, Fig. B, but unfortunately the reproduction is not clear enough to distinguish details.

25. In Artibus Asiae XIII [1950], pp. 191-192, R. Ghirshman referred to the lion and griffin protomes as finials for furniture but called them tenon de chaudron in Sept Mille Ans d'art en Iran, p. 88, Nos. 520-523

26. Most of the literature on the problem of the relations of Greek and Oriental griffins is mentioned by J. L. Benson in 'Unpublished Griffin Protomes in American Collections,' Antike Kunst 3/2 [1960], pp. 58-70. In 1961, however, a griffin attachment was discovered at Gordion and published in the American Journal of Archaeology 66 [1962], pl. 43, Fig. 15, which disproved Benson's hypothesis that 'the griffin protome on cauldrons is a purely Greek affair . . . ' [op. cit., p. 63].

27. The bracelet was published by C. K. Wilkinson in the Bulletin of the Metropolitan Museum of Art [ March 1955], p. 218 and was taken up again in the article cited in note X/23 on p. 281, Figs. 11-13. The companion piece in Teheran was published by Godard, Ziwiyè, pp. 50-52, Figs.40-42.

28. A good view of one of the lions from Zincirli is reproduced in E. Akurgal, Spaethethitische Bildkunst [Ankara, 1949], Pl. XXVIIa. The relationship between Urartian and Late Hittite lions was noted by R. D. Barnett in 'The Excavations of the British Museum at Toprak Kale near Van,' Iraq XII [1950], p. 37.

29. The lion head from Karmir Blur was published by Piotrovskii in Vanskoe Tsarstvo, p. 178, Fig. 41.

30. E. H. Minns suggested that 'The first vehicle of the style was horn, bone or hard wood'; see The Art of the Northern Nomads [Annual Lecture on Aspects of Art, British Academy, 1942], p. 4.