and NATO inspired 'psychological warfare operations' against the 'Kurdish
communist threat' in Turkey
Desmond Fernandes and Iskender Ozden1
The sheer extent to which the United States and the North Atlantic Treaty
Organisation (NATO) have been responsible for consciously and structurally
providing aid, training and technical expertise to Turkish contra-guerrilla
death squads, repressive state forces and far right fascist groups makes
for chilling reading. In pursuit of US governmental and NATO Cold War
and post Cold War agendas, secretive and often publicly unaccountable
initiatives have been undertaken in order to organise, protect and support
repressive and anti-democratic Turkish state military mechanisms in their
targeting actions against the internal 'communist threat'. The internal
'communist threat', observes Chomsky, is "used here in the technical
sense (which) has (been) assumed in American political discourse, referring
to labour leaders, peasant organisers ... organising self-help groups,
and anyone who has the 'wrong' priorities and thus gets in our way."2
Kurdish 'nationalist' and/or pro-democratic/pro-socialist movements which
have sought to defend peoples' labour and human/cultural/political rights
within the region, and/or query the 'colonial/neo-colonial/pro-NATO/repressive'
orientation of the militarised Turkish state, have similarly been targeted
as 'communist threats'.3
The Truman Doctrine, the Central Treaty Organisation (CENTO) and psychological
With the Truman Doctrine of 1947, millions of dollars worth of military
equipment assistance was provided to the Turkish terror state to counter
the internal and external 'communist threat.' As President Truman's address
to Congress on March 12th, 1947, made all too clear: "I believe that
it must be the policy of the United States to support free peoples who
are resisting attempted subjugation by armed minorities or by outside
pressures ... Should we fail Greece and Turkey in this fateful hour, the
effect will be far reaching to the West as well as to the East. We must
take immediate and resolute action."4
By the end of fiscal year 1950, resolute action had been undertaken: Over
US $ 200 million in military aid had been received by Turkey, "along
with 1,200 US military advisers."5 Between
1950 and 1979, a further $ US 5.8 billion in official military aid was
forthcoming: "Arms supply and training programmes helped to integrate
the Turkish military, police and intelligence services into those of the
United States. Under the Military Assistance Programme, 19,193 Turks received
US training between 1950 and 1979."6
Lord Kinross, indeed, suggests that a much higher number of Turkish troops
were, in fact, trained. By 1954 alone, "the American Military Mission
claim(ed) to have trained, in the Turkish army, a force of thirty thousand
US advisors also assisted Turkish authorities with their covert monitoring
activities of Kurdish political prisoners. Musa Anter, for example, confirms - in
his Memoirs - that a 'Special Team' from the US was sent in 1959 to
the Turkish prison he was in, to assist the authorities with the decoding
of messages between Kurdish prisoners.8 Turkish
Interior Ministry reports further reveal that Turkish governing circles
clearly understood that they would be provided with economic support and
US military and political encouragement in their implementation of the
on-going Kurdish genocide9 as long as they
could keep officially identifying the Kurds as a 'communist threat' to
American officials (even at times when they clearly did not represent
such a threat, and could not produce any evidence to the Americans to
that effect): "This (Kurdish targeting) operation should be used
... to obtain economic aid from the US. The event should (merely) be represented
to the American authorities as a 'Communist Kurd Movement'. To the relatives
of the suspects (targeted), the event should be explained as a 'Communist
Movement' (despite the fact that) ... so far, there's no evidence that
can be used against the suspects."10
Ghassemlou and Kendal have also established that the US government, which
was "in control of all (the) military decisions"11
of a Cold War Central Treaty Organisation (CENTO) Pact between Turkey,
Iran, Pakistan and Britain, had decided that a central purpose of this
pact was to assist the Turkish and Iranian governments with their psychological
warfare operations against "any attempts on the part of the Kurdish
people."12 As Randal has confirmed:
"In the 1950's, the Baghdad Pact - rebaptised CENTO when Iraq
dropped out following the overthrow of the monarchy in 1958 - amounted
to Western approval of anti-Kurd animus, enshrined in the Saadabad Treaty
Besikci further argues that US government supported 'psychological' research
projects were conducted in the 1960's in order to strategically assist
the Turkish state with its assimilation and anti-Kurdish policies: "In
1962, Professor Frei, an American, carried out a survey throughout Turkey,
in conjunction with the Bureau of Research and Testing at the Ministry
of Education, and the US government's Agency for International Development
(AID) ... From the information provided at the end of the research project,
it becomes clear that American government officials proposed to the Turkish
government that the best way to fight against the spread of the Kurdish
struggle was through the creation and institutionalisation of a party
based on religion."14 As Besikci confirms,
this advice "was taken seriously by the Turkish government."15
There was also an apparent offer by the US government in 1962 to establish
a 'Kurdish' radio station - costing US $33 million - which would
broadcast psychological warfare propaganda which would be anti-communist,
anti-Kurdish nationalist in nature, and in keeping with "the USA
and Turkey's ideology."16
The CIA's role in covert action operations.
The Central Intelligence Agency (CIA), moreover, began to covertly fund
and train fascist paramilitary right wing gangs and virulently anti-Kurdish
organisations in Turkey - including the Organisation to Fight Communism
and the National Action Party (NAP/MHP) - along the 'successful' lines
of the Bicchierai 'anti-communist' paramilitary gang in Italy. As Christopher
Simpson has ascertained, "the role of this (Bicchierai) band" - which
was financed by the CIA using 'black currency' which "came from captured
German Nazi assets, including money and gold that the Nazis had looted
from the Jews"17 - "was
beatings of left wing candidates and activists, breaking up political
meetings and intimidating voters. Bicchierai's troops became the forerunners
of a number of other similar paramilitary gangs funded by the CIA in Germany,
Greece, Turkey and several other countries over the next decade"18
which were used to destabilise wider democratic initiatives which were
perceived to be inimical to US interests.
The ex-Director of the CIA, William Colby, has further conceded, when
pressured, that "there is a possible CIA backing of (such) anti-Communist
organisations to stop Turkey falling into the hands of communism."19
Clearance to actively proceed with covert 'psychological' warfare of this
nature was provided at the highest level. Through National Security Council
(NSC) Directive 4-A in 1947, the CIA was "secretively authorised
... to conduct these officially non-existent programmes and to administer
them."20 As Simpson clarifies, "the
NSC action removed the US Congress and public from any debate over whether
to undertake psychological warfare abroad. The NSC ordered that the operations
themselves be designed to be 'deniable,' meaning 'planned and executed
(so) that any US government responsibility for them is not evident to
unauthorised persons and that if uncovered, the US government can positively
disclaim any responsibility.'"21
National Security Council Directive 10/2 (NSC 10/2), which replaced NSC-4A
in 1947, similarly authorised the Office of Policy Co-ordination (OPC) - "the
covert action arm of the CIA"22
- to carry
out "any covert activities related to propaganda; preventative direct
action including sabotage ... (and) assistance ... (in) support of indigenous
anti-Communist elements in threatened countries of the free world."23
As Frank Wisner, the head of OPC (dubbed the United States' Psychological
Warfare Organisation by the NSC)24 has since
conceded, these operations were "conducted in a covert or clandestine
manner to the end that official US interest or responsibility" in
these terrorist 'anti-Communist' actions could be "plausibly disclaimed
by this government."25 The OPC's psychological
warfare objectives, according to Wisner, included:
"1. Political warfare including ... support of indigenous anti-Communist
elements in threatened countries of the free world.
2. Psychological warfare including 'black' and 'grey' propaganda.26
3. Economic Warfare.
4. Guerrilla and partisan-type warfare.
5. Sabotage and counter-sabotage.
6. Other covert operations."27
It is important at this juncture to also clarify just what 'psychological
warfare', as termed above, actually meant. To Christopher Simpson, who
has analysed much declassified material related to the above issues:
"the primary object of US psychological operations during this period
was to frustrate the ambitions of radical movements in resource rich developing
countries seeking solutions to the problems of poverty, dependency and
the entrenched corruption ... At heart, modern (US) psychological warfare
has been a tool for managing empire, not for settling conflicts in any
fundamental sense. It has operated largely as a means to ensure that indigenous
democratic initiatives in the Third World and Europe do not go 'too far'
from the standpoint of US security agencies ... The problem with (US)
psychological warfare is ... its consistent role as an instrument for
maintaining grossly abusive social structures ...
"Several points should be underlined. First, psychological warfare
in the US conception has consistently made use of a wide range of violence,
including guerrilla warfare, assassination, sabotage and more fundamentally,
the maintenance of manifestly brutal regimes in client states abroad.
Second, it has also involved a variety of propaganda or media work, ranging
from overt (white) newscasting to covert (black) propaganda ... "
Re-examination of (the US) record, even as it applies to Turkey, Guatemala,
Nicaragua, El Salvador, the Philippines, Indonesia and Panama, inescapably
leads Simpson in short order to an heretical conclusion:
"The role of the United States in world affairs during our lifetimes
has often been rapacious, destructive, tolerant of genocide and willing
to sacrifice countless people."28
In the case of Turkey, there are clear indications that the US government
directly facilitated the Turkish government's genocidal programme against
the Kurds through its endorsement of the CENTO pact, its provision of
military equipment and its training of state backed 'anti-Kurdish' psychological
warfare death squads, intelligence gathering organisations and 'commando'
Marcus Raskin, an NSC staffer, has conceded that these psychological warfare
"activities around the world ... were criminal by other nations'
standards as well as criminal by our own."30
To George Mc Govern, US senator between 1963-81:
"We were involved in assassinations, assassination attempts. We were
operating paramilitary operations with mercenary forces hired in other
people's countries with no knowledge on the part of our own Congress,
our press or the American people. All of these things are alien to a system
of constitutional democracy."31
Recently declassified 'Psychological Warfare' methods used by the US Army
and CIA advisers during the early Cold War years again confirm that the
army's operational definition of the 'psychological warfare' it was actively
engaged in - be it in Turkey, Italy, Greece or Iran - clearly did
include terrorist acts of "warfare" that "employs all moral
and physical means, other than orthodox military operations ... Psychological
Warfare," as recommended and practised, must "employ any weapon
to influence the mind of the enemy. The weapons are psychological only
in the effect they produce and not because of the nature of the weapons
themselves. In this light, overt (white), covert (black) and grey propaganda;
subversion; sabotage; special operations; guerrilla warfare; espionage;
political, cultural, economic and racial pressures are all effective weapons.
They are effective because they produce dissension, distrust, fear and
hopelessness in the minds of the enemy."32
Psychological warfare 'special operations' were defined in the above context
to additionally include "miscellaneous operations such as assassination
(and) target capture."33
According to Philip Agee, a former senior CIA secret operations officer,
CIA stations regularly used "offensive weapons of psychological and
paramilitary operations" which involved surveillance measures and
"include(d) the placing of anti-Communist propaganda in the public
media, the frame-up of ... officials for police arrest, the publishing
of false propaganda attributed to the revolutionary group in such a way
that it will be difficult to deny and damaging as well, the organising
of goon squads to beat up and intimidate ... (people) ... using ... harassment
devices to break up meetings, and the calling on liaison services to take
desired repressive action."34
"Within the US governmental bureaucracy itself," notes Peter
Dale Scott, "intelligence agencies and special warfare elements have
recurringly exploited," trained and even protected "drug traffickers
and their corrupt political allies" to facilitate these types of
"anti-Communist and anti-subversive operations."35
As Adams has concluded in 'Secret Armies', the US military and "the
CIA ... under the single OPC umbrella ... managed to embrace every aspect
of covert warfare from espionage to psychological operations and subversion."36
Widespread and chilling actions and atrocities against Kurdish communities
and 'radical' human rights and 'leftist' activists in Turkey/North West
Kurdistan were clearly committed as a consequence of these 'anti-communist'
inspired US-CIA-NATO linked 'psychological warfare' training and operational
programmes.37 To Jeffrey Bale, writing in
the Berkeley Journal of Sociology and Lobster, the CIA was "instrumental
in establishing the contra-guerrilla" death squads in Turkey.38
By 1969, moreover, Turkish "commandos, who had been trained by American
specialists in counter-insurgency," were despatched into Kurdish
regions "under the pretext of a general 'arms search'" to terrorise
the population.39 These commando actions
"rapidly became associated with arbitrary brutality and torture that
had marked the suppression of Kurdistan four decades earlier."40
According to the journal Devrim, one commando report which focused upon
its anti-Kurdish psychological warfare operations, ran along the following
"Since the end of January, special military units have undertaken
a land war in the (Kurdish) regions of Diyarbakir, Mardin, Siirt and Hakkari
under the guise of hunting bandits. Every village is surrounded at a certain
hour, its inhabitants rounded up. Troops assemble men and women separately,
and demand the men to surrender their weapons. They beat those who deny
possessing any or make other villagers jump on them. They strip men and
women naked and violate the latter. Many have died in these operations,
some have committed suicide. Naked men and women have cold water thrown
over them, and they are whipped. Sometimes women are forced to tie a rope
around the penis of their husband and then to lead him around the village.
Women are likewise made to parade naked around the village. Troops demand
villagers to provide women for their pleasure and the entire village is
beaten if the request is met with refusal."41
These actions, which have mirrored those of other US inspired and trained
commando groups in El Salvador, East Timor, Indonesia, Guatemala, South
Vietnam and Nicaragua, followed a "general pattern ... A village
is surrounded by armoured cars and helicopters move ahead; all the villagers
are rounded up without any explanation, then herded into specially prepared
camps. They are then called upon to surrender their weapons. Should a
peasant declare that he has none, he is severely beaten and humiliated.
The Turkish troops force both men and women to strip; often they rape
the women. 'Suspects' are hanged by their feet from a gallows. Sometimes
strings are attached to the genitals of naked men whom the women are then
forced to lead through the streets in this manner. Many die under torture."42
Kendal confirms that these targeting actions continued throughout the
"During the more or less fascist period which followed the military
coup on March 12th, 1971, the commandos' activities were considerably
extended and became a real 'Kurd-hunt'. The troops raked through the Kurdish
provinces one by one: several thousand peasants were pursued, arrested
and tortured ... in counter-insurgency centres which had been set up by
Turkish officers trained by the US in Panama ... (When) Demirel (who went
on to become president of Turkey) returned to power ... commando operations
started up with renewed intensity in Kurdistan. In the towns, the state
police and the fascist militias assassinated sixty people from March 31st,
1975 to April 10th, 1976 ... Even under the 'democratic parliamentary
regime' of the late seventies, the commandos were still at work in Kurdistan.
There were more than 10,000 of them patrolling the frontier province of
Hakkari from October to December 1975."43
Despite being aware of such atrocities, US-NATO funding, active training
and protection of racist and fascist, genocidal, anti-Kurdish psychological
warfare teams and militias continued. One such militia was "the CIA/drug-linked
terror gang known as the Grey Wolves," the "paramilitary arm"
of the National Action Party (NAP/MHP).44
According to Berch Berberoglu, "attacks by the CIA trained and equipped
death squads of the fascist NAP intensified during 1979."45
A report by the Turkish Internal Ministry acknowledges that these NAP
death squads were ideologically "akin to Hitler's Nazi organisation."46
NAP supporters, for instance, were clearly encouraged in a 1977 party
leaflet to act in the following fashion: "Those who destroyed (the
Ottoman Empire) were Greek-Armenian-Jewish converts, Kurds, Circassians,
Bosnians and Albanians. As a Turk, how much longer will you tolerate these
dirty minorities? Throw out the Circassian, that he may go to Causasia,
throw out the Armenian, throw out and kill the Kurd, purge from your midst
the enemy of all Turkdom."47
As Kendal has clarified, "the NAP is violently and militantly anti-Kurdish
... The liquidation of the Kurds is thus an integral part of their agenda."48
Investigative research by Celik has uncovered the following details: "The
intelligence services of (NATO ally) Germany and other European countries
... protected the NAP/MHP,"49 despite
being fully aware of the ideological slant and character of the organisation.
"This protection continues to this day. The CIA openly protected
the NAP/MHP in Germany ... One of the 'protectors' was the CIA man Ruzi
Nazar," who had previously "collaborated with German Nazi occupation
forces in the Second World War ... NAP/MHP militants were used in hundreds
of murders, became very professional, and were used by the CIA in international
According to Counterspy,51 the CIA - as
part of its ongoing psychological warfare training strategy in Turkey - also
"assisted Milli Istihbarat Teskilati (MIT)," the notorious Turkish
national intelligence agency, "in 1960-69 in drafting plans for mass
arrests of opposition figures similar to the pattern followed in Thailand,
Indonesia and Greece. In a single night, generals ordered 4,000 professors,
students, teachers and retired officers (to be) arrested. They tortured
(many) ... The coup" in Turkey in 1971 "was also carried out
by counter-guerrilla, the CIA, the Turkish military and Turkish military
intelligence (MIT)."52 From its station
in Athens, Greece, the CIA Technical Services Division (TSD) support group
provided particular psychological warfare operational expertise to its
staff operating in Turkey. "TSD assistance," Roubatis and Wynn
conclude, "included electronic monitoring devices, various gadgets
for surveillance, special weapons for clandestine operations, drugs for
use in such operations, forged documents and other similar material ...
The TSD activities involved aggressive operations."53
The CIA's role in assisting MIT in targeting actions against the 'Kurdish'
and other 'internal communist' threats was publicly exposed in 1977 when
Sabahattin Savasman, the deputy director of MIT, acknowledged that "the
CIA has a delegation of at least 20 people who co-operate in the MIT with
the CIA and who occupy high positions inside the MIT. They supply information,
contacts and they participate in operations ... All technical equipment
is supplied by the CIA. A lot of personnel was trained by the Americans
in courses abroad, the buildings were constructed by the CIA, the instructors
were supplied by the CIA ... The employees have been working for years
as CIA agents for the benefit of the American secret service."54
He further stated that "MIT personnel have been accepting payments
and taking part in operations with the CIA for years."55
Zurcher confirms that MIT's operations against 'internal threats' during
this period were clearly and publicly known to be of a brutal nature:
"Widespread reports of torture" of Kurds and other 'communist
activists' "in so-called 'laboratories', torture chambers of the
MIT," exist.56 Aldrich Ames, a former
CIA officer who was stationed in Turkey, has also acknowledged that "the
Turkish intelligence service (MIT) was cash-strapped, so we gave it half
a million dollars worth of wiretap equipment and taught its people how
to use it"57 against its 'internal threats'.
MIT's own leader, General Ziya Selisik, confirmed in 1962 that its internal
"communist" threats even included "all Kurds who were studying."58
It should also be noted at this point that Sait Elci, who was the leader
of the underground 'Kurdistan Democratic Party - Turkey' (KDP-T) during
the late 1960's, had - just before his assassination by Dr. Sait 'Siwan'
Kirmizitoprak - accused the latter of acting as a Kurdish double-agent
for the CIA. Elci was convinced that Dr. Sait 'Siwan' Kirmizitoprak was
working to fulfil the agendas of a joint CIA-MIT operation.59
Jeffrey Bale further confirms that "there are numerous connections
between the CIA and (the fascist) MHP (NAP), both in Turkey and Europe.
It seems clear that the CIA and US military intelligence" - via
these 'collaborative' psychological warfare operations with the virulently
anti-Kurdish MHP - "made use of civilian 'idealists' (fascist
hard-liners) by recruiting them into the contra-guerrilla (death squad)
organisations, and former Turkoman SS man Ruzi Nazar has been identified
by several investigators as the liaison between CIA personnel, including
Henze (a CIA Turkey Station Chief) himself and the MHP Leadership in West
It is also worth noting at this point that the successive CIA directors
who were involved in initiating and overseeing these disquieting psychological
warfare operations were well suited to their additional tasks of 'covering
up' these actions from the public gaze. According to Loftus and Aarons,
for example, CIA Director Allen Dulles'61
files show that he was the man (previously) assigned to cover up the Armenian
massacre (genocide) ... Simpson's research62
(also) fully documents the equally repugnant cover-up engineered by Dulles
and his sources during the Jewish Holocaust of World War II."63
The Pentagon and NATO'S 'stay behind' network
Under the Pentagon's confidential 1948 plan for the formation of a North
Atlantic Treaty Organisation (NATO) styled structure, it is also instructive
to note that one of the five major objectives of the emerging military
alliance would be to ensure that no internal or external threat to the
current "political independence (sic) or territorial integrity of
Turkey"64 would be entertained. Kurdish
aspirations for basic cultural and political rights - within a democratic,
federal, Turkish or independent Kurdish structure - would clearly,
under these criteria, have been considered psychological 'threats' which
needed to be eradicated using all necessary means.
With the eventual formation of NATO in 1949 and Turkey's membership of
the alliance in 1952, Turkey's military forces and several right wing
fascist organisations were concretely provided with even greater covert
support in their 'anti-Communist' war against Kurdish cultural and political
rights and other pro-democratic 'liberal', 'leftist' and trade unionist
movements. General Sir Walter Walker, former NATO Commander-in-Chief of
Allied Forces, Northern Europe, confirms that "Kurdish activists"
were, indeed, being identified as "Marxist" communist 'internal'
threats to the 'territorial integrity' of the Turkish Republic: "Turkey's
Kurdish leaders have refused to be assimilated. The (Kurdish) revolt in
the eastern provinces was the single most challenging security problem
in the country, and in addition to that, it was notable that Kurds were
playing a leading role in Marxist-Leninist groups that were ideologically
Through the protective curtain and secretive cover of a wider 'anti-Communist'
NATO 'Gladio' styled 'Operation Stay Behind' Psychological Warfare network - which
was "spearheaded by the CIA ... (and) conceived by the US Joint Chiefs
of Staff according to a 1976 senate report on the CIA by Frank Church
which first revealed its existence"66 - a
'contra (counter) guerrilla' force called Seferberlik Taktik Kurulu (STK - 'Tactical
Mobilisation Group') was funded, organised and allowed to operate from
the same Ankara building that housed the US Military Aid Mission.67
According to Roth and Taylan, the training of officers assigned to this
Psychological Warfare Group "begins in the US and then continues
inside Turkey under the direction of CIA officers and military 'advisers'."68
By 1959, a further military accord between the US and Turkey agreed upon
the 'use' of the contra-guerrillas "also in the case of an internal
rebellion against the regime."69 Six
years later, with the restructuring of the STK into the OHD (Ozel Harp
Dairesi - Special Warfare Department),70 the contra-guerrilla psychological
warfare and death squad structures were placed under the authority of
the president of General Staff.71 Significant
US funding of this structure, at least until 1974, was confirmed by the
current Turkish Premier Bulent Ecevit, who additionally stated that "patriotic
volunteers were members of the group. They were trained specially to launch
a counter guerrilla operation."72
These 'operations', Turkish army spokesmen have recently conceded, were
explicitly involved in anti-Kurdish actions.73
A directive by General Sabri Yirmibesoglu,74
who was a leading figure in the OHD during the 1970's, describes the types
of psychological warfare activities which were being actively encouraged
at the time of CIA 'grant-funding' and training: "Use 'open' as well
as 'covert' activities, murder, bombing, armed robbery, torture, kidnapping;
encourage incidents which invite retaliation; take hostages; use sabotage
and propaganda; disseminate disinformation (and) use force as well as
With ex-CIA director William Colby's admission that "there is also
such an organisation ('Gladio - Stay Behind') in Turkey,"76
General Dogan Beyazit (President of Turkey's General Staff) and General
Kemal Yilmaz (Commander of its psychological warfare 'Special Forces'),
were forced to confirm that this secretive and 'special' NATO organisation - which
had been plausibly denied by Turkish officialdom and military sources
until 1990 - did exist.77 Ecevit further
revealed on November 13th, 1990, that "I was told that it was financed
by the United States ... I was also told that the organisation had secret
weapons depots. Its members were trained in special warfare techniques."78
In a more recent interview with Julie Flint, Ecevit clarified issues further:
"Certain unhealthy kinds of measures were taken for internal security.
Too many covert actions obviously took place. I'm afraid such events have
taken place in many other NATO countries also."79
As Celik and others have ascertained, training of death squads was clearly
undertaken by the OHD-CIA-NATO linked structure, and US psychological
warfare and contra-guerrilla manuals were used80
- as they
were in other 'Gladio - Stay Behind' structures elsewhere in Europe - after
having been translated into Turkish: "The 'special war methods' which
(were) taught supposedly for the prevention of a communist occupation
include among others 'assassinations, bombings, armed robbery, torture,
attacks, kidnap, threats, provocation, militia training, hostage taking,
arson, sabotage, propaganda, disinformation, violence and extortion.'"81
Investigative research has also established that "selected elements
of the(se) Turkish contra-guerrillas, together with the generals, were
all trained in contra-guerrilla" and psychological warfare "schools
in the USA ... During their training, the contra-guerrilla forces ...
learn how to handle explosives under the supervision of Green Berets in
Matamoros near the Mexican border, and they are taught how to kill, stab
or strangle somebody silently, etc.82 Other
places where Turkish officials are trained are the Escuela de los Americas
in Panama, which is attached to the US base Southern Comfort, the Police
Academy near Washington and the Schongau and Oberammergan bases in Germany."83
According to a report by Republican Peoples Party (CHP) deputy, Fikri
Saglar, "the links between the illegal right wing organisations and
the Turkish security should be traced back to Gladio."84
Reports in the Turkish Daily News (13 July 1994),85
furthermore, confirm that OHD linked Turkish military officials, commanders
and Chiefs of Staff continue to be briefed, advised and even awarded 'Legion
of Merit' medals by US Pentagon staff, high ranking members of the US
armed forces and psychological warfare organisations including the US
Army 'Special Operations Command'. The US Army 'Special Operations Command'
houses "such specialised psychological warfare command groups as
the Army Rangers, Navy Seal Teams, Special Boat Units and the 23rd Air
Forces 'Special Operations Force'."86
OHD linked officials such as Karadayi (until recently, Turkey's Chief
of Staff) have officially liaised with senior US counter-insurgency 'experts'
and officers at Fort Bragg, Fort Knox and Goldman Army airfield.87
It has also been established that Huseyin Kocadag, Chief of the Special
Forces in Hakkari (in South-East Turkey/North West Kurdistan) and Deputy
Chief of Police in Diyarbakir, who has been identified as "one of
the most bloody enemies of the people who organised the units of the 'head-hunters'
in Kurdistan ... was trained at a CIA school in the US."88
The Human Rights Watch Arms Project has additionally exposed the way in
which "US troops, aircraft and intelligence personnel have remained
at their posts throughout Turkey, mingling with Turkish counterinsurgency
troops and aircrews in southeastern bases such as Incirlik and Diyarbakir
... throughout Turkey's wide-ranging scorched earth campaign" against
Kurdish civilian settlements and PKK hideouts/encampments.89
This campaign, indeed, has assumed genocidal proportions.90
Human Rights Watch's concern over this type of support has led to its
public request to the US government to "order an inquiry into all
training, joint manoeuvres, liaison and other interforce activities undertaken
since 1990 by US military special operations forces with Turkish forces,
with a view to identifying the Turkish units involved and the nature of
US special operations training and doctrine imparted to them."91
Brigadier General Kemal Yilmaz, head of OHD, has also recently conceded
that the OHD co-operates with NATO on 'technical issues' and that, at
times, it has joined NATO's training programmes in Turkey and abroad.92
Its psychological warfare operations function, under the redesigned term
Special Forces Command (SFC), according to Yilmaz, "is to support
the operation of the Turkish Armed Forces with its 'irregular warfare
activities' by preparing plans and executing the activities of war preparedness
during peacetime. During wartime, SFC is responsible to establish the
irregular local forces and to 'manage and control' these forces under
the directives of the Chief of Staff's Office ... The units also are trained
regularly by various NATO-member countries. SFC commandos are trained
with the most advanced weapons of the world."93
The nature of the SFC's establishment of psychological warfare 'irregular
local forces' (i.e. assassination squads) and of their 'management and
control' structures were partly revealed in a 1995 report by a commission
of Turkish MPs which sought to investigate more that 600 assassinations
which had taken place in the south east of the country (north west Kurdistan)
between 1991-1995. The report, which hard-liners sought to 'cover up',
quoted a police chief in Batman as acknowledging that assassins ('contra-guerrillas')
at war with the 'Marxist-Leninist' Kurdistan Workers Party (PKK), had,
indeed, received training from Turkish military units. There was also
a clear acknowledgement that assassins and irregular forces were said
to be living in security forces accommodation, from where they committed
murders. "Sometimes they were arrested, but most of these incidents
were covered up," it concluded.94
US-NATO 'psychological warfare' connections with anti-Kurdish agencies,
'death-teams' and fascist organisations
MIT Deputy, Sabahattin Savasman, has confirmed that the intelligence service
of Turkey's NATO partner, West Germany, regularly liaised with MIT and
held meetings with the organisation in Munich and Ankara to discuss and
evaluate operational matters and Turkey's "internal" problems.95
NATO countries, moreover, have apparently actively engaged in the training
of anti-Kurdish "death-teams",96
called 'Special Teams'. A recent Celik investigation uncovered the following:
"In 1985, a force was set up to counter Kurdish guerrilla warfare.
It was known as the 'Special Team'. Even at the beginning, the unit numbered
5,000 ... For 9 months, the personnel were trained in the use of the most
effective weapons and in the use of guns, torture, sabotage, plotting,
interrogation, camouflage and learning about the culture and traditions
of the people in the regions they were to serve in ...
"Some Special Team members were trained in other NATO countries such
as Germany ... An army officer from Germany, Hauptmann Weygold, was interviewed
by a Turkish newspaper called 'Tercuman' on 1st February, 1987. He informed
the paper that he had 'trained 2 groups of Turkish Special Team units
at St. Augustine in GSG-9 camp, near Bonn.' The German newspaper, 'Suddeutsche
Zeitung', in its 31st March-1st April, 1987 edition, also stated that
3,000 Special Team members from Turkey - also known as 'Black Insects' - were
trained in West Germany ... Special Teams were trained ideologically and
in militaristic terms to look upon Kurdish people as enemies ... In their
manifesto, Special Teams are described as 'Special Activity Teams'. They
may join in with Turkish army units in operations. They also had other
different assignments. An army unit might surround a group of guerrillas
in a village but the Special Teams were trained to then take over the
operation. It was usually their job to carry out extermination operations
... or ... mine ... or set traps on roads, interrogate, torture and lead
operations in disinformation. There are hundreds of people in Kurdistan
disabled as a result of the treatment and operations of the Special Teams
... Special Teams have also executed guerrillas even though it was clearly
possible to arrest them. In raids, they have raped women, seized gold
and money and treated people brutally."97
Randal confirms that "the so-called Special Teams, whose members
often wore civilian clothes ... were feared as the cruellest of the cruel."98
Turkish state collusion with anti-Kurdish, fascist and Nazi collaborationist
criminal gangs also appears to have been actively encouraged and promoted
by the US and NATO 'Gladio-styled' Stay Behind Network. As Simpson's study,
'Blowback: America's Recruitment of Nazi's and its Effect on the Cold
War', has ascertained, events in "Greece in 1947 and Italy in 1948
also taught the CIA that it could employ former Nazi collaborators"
and other fascists "on a large scale in clandestine" and psychological
warfare "operations and get away with it. US national security planners
appear to have concluded that extreme right wing groups that once collaborated
with the Nazis should be included in US sponsored anti-Communist coalitions,
for the participation of such groups became a regular feature of US covert
operations in Europe in the wake of the Greek and Italian events."99
In Turkey, this resulted, in the opinion of Supreme Court Justice Emin
Deger, in the endorsement of a close working collaboration between the
fascist and anti-Kurdish Nationalist Action Party (NAP/MHP) armed 'commandos',
or 'Bozkurts', and the Turkish state's CIA and NATO linked 'counter guerrilla'
units.100 This collaboration directly led
to "NAP commandos" being "trained by the CIA."101
The leader of NAP, observes Lee, was Colonel Alparslan Turkes, an "enthusiastic
supporter of Hitler during World War Two."102
As Harris has ascertained, "during the Second World War, he had been
leader of the Pan-Turkish movement which backed Hitler in exchange for
financial support from Berlin and in the hope that a victorious Reich
would allow Turkey to annex those parts of the Soviet Union inhabited
by people of Turkish origin."103 It
is also known that "Turkes established close ties with Nazi leaders
in Germany in 1945 and ... maintained his contacts" in the post Second
World War period "with the German neo-Nazi underground."104
Despite clear awareness of his pro-Nazi past and highly disturbing, fascist
and racist anti-Kurdish leanings, it is instructive to note that NATO
welcomed and did not seek to dispute his placement as Head of the NATO
Department of the Armed Forces Headquarters in Turkey by 1960, or his
role as a principal liaison officer between the Turkish General Staff
and NATO in its operational activities.105
CIA inspired support for the NAP and Grey Wolves' objectionable and murderous
activities has been detailed in a number of investigative reports. Brodhead,
Friel and Herman, for example, draw upon a number of reports which detail
the way in which "Frank Terpil, the CIA agent and international arms
dealer, had supplied the NAP and the Grey Wolves with weapons and explosives
in the mid 1970's"106 to proceed with
their terrorist 'activities'. These activities, Kendal and Celik
observe, had resulted in the murder of over 200 Kurdish and Turkish 'leftist'
students by 1978, as well as a number of trade unionists, teachers and
influential thinkers.107 NAP, in return for
this type of 'psychological warfare support' in its anti-Kurdish and 'anti-communist'
offensives, had, not unexpectedly, "pledg(ed) to abide by accords
with international organisations like NATO."108
It should additionally be noted that Grey Wolves fascist paramilitary
groups, which were engaged in terrorist actions against Kurdish community
groups and 'Kurdish/Leftist activists', were further encouraged to forge
active and collaborative operational links with the Anti-Bolshevik Bloc
of Nations, another CIA backed 'anti-communist/anti-radical' coalition
led by former fascist World War Two collaborators from Eastern Europe.109
Colleagues of Turkes were, equally disturbingly, placed in control of
a Turkish chapter of the World Anti-Communist League (WACL), "an
umbrella group that functioned as a cat's paw for US intelligence"
and US psychological warfare operations "in Latin America, Southwest
Asia and other Cold War battlegrounds."110
Celik has also ascertained that "the German writer Jurgen Roth had
information obtained from the German police and claimed in his book, 'Die
Verbrechen Holding', that MHP (NAP) was a branch of the Turkish (CIA-NATO)
Gladio Organisation."111 In this capacity,
MHP/NAP has been able to obtain support and protection from the intelligence
agencies of NATO countries: "With very few exceptions, no court cases
have been opened against the Party in Western European countries. It is
protected in Europe, even though it is at the centre of the drugs trade.
This protection is particularly strong in Germany. Right-wing German politicians,
especially those in Bavaria, protect the Party. It is impossible that
German intelligence should be ignorant of this, since it has been proven
that they gave support to the Party in the 1970's. Turkes used Germany
as his base before he died, visiting it several times a year and holding
big meetings there. These meetings have never been the subject of German
legal proceedings ... The German authorities ... have shown no concern
over the Nationalist Action Party. It is clear that there is organised
protection. The Party also finds Belgium, Holland and the UK to be countries
in which it can comfortably organise."112
Recent revelations after the Susurluk car incident further point towards
a 'Turkish Gladio' US-NATO connection with the late Abdullah Catli, a
Grey Wolves-NAP 'anti-Kurdish', anti-Kurdistan Workers Party (PKK) contra-guerrilla/OHD
death squad organiser,113 who was also a
convicted drug smuggler and dealer114 and
colleague of the Italian Gladio and Aginter Press terrorist, Stefano Delle
According to an Italian investigative journalist "who had helped
uncover the international Gladio network ... Catli was affiliated with
the central figures of Italy's notorious (CIA-NATO linked) Gladio organisation.
Catli, Agca and Celik ... an old friend of Abdullah Catli who had been
implicated in several cases of political killings along with Catli and
Mehmet Ali Agca, 'the man who shot the Pope', ... were operating under
CIA guidance."116 An Aydinlik investigation
further reveals that "French journalist Jean-Mari Stoerkel said that
he had determined beyond any doubt that Abdullah Catli and Oral Celik
... had been used by Western secret services. He said that Catli and Celik
had been doing business with another Turk, Bekir Celenk, who in turn was
working with Henry Arsan, a man who co-operated with the CIA and with
a number of secret organisations, fascist groups and terrorist gangs."117
CIA agent Frank Terpil is also reported to have publicly confirmed his
involvement in helping to illegally release the extremist Grey Wolf, Agca.118
According to Herman and Brodhead, there can be no denying that "there
was a close tie between the counter-guerrilla and the CIA. Deger charged
further that the CIA, acting through MIT and the counter-guerrilla, promoted
right-wing" psychological warfare "terrorist actions to destabilise
the Turkish government and to prepare the way for the military coup of
1971. It also seems quite clear that the United States and the CIA ...
assisted in the coup of that year. According to former US diplomat Robert
Fresco, (the) government had simply become incapable of containing the
growing anti-US radicalism in Turkey ... There are indications that the
US, and particularly the CIA, exercised influence in the right-wing political
sectors that included the Grey Wolves"119
in order to effect the necessary governmental changes and subsequent psychological
warfare 'anti-radical', 'anti-Kurdish' targeting actions. Berberoglu has
additionally drawn attention to "Turkish press reported 'rumours'
of a meeting on March 11th between the (1971 coup) commanders, (US) Ambassador
Handley and Richard Helms, Director of the CIA, at the US Embassy in Ankara - thus
implicating the CIA directly in the March 12th (coup) intervention."120
Similar US-NATO inspired psychological warfare tactics were again utilised
to effect the 1980 coup. As Harris observes, "it is important to
be clear that this analysis is not just a matter of speculation, or of
'the inevitable results of mob violence.' ... It remains the case that
the tactics of those who helped to justify and organise a coup d'etat
... succeeded in Turkey ... It cannot be seriously denied that in the
case of Turkey, it was perceived by NATO that western interests would
best be served by the overthrow of democracy."121
The US government's role in inspiring and covertly facilitating the coup
has been charted by Savran, Tanor and Vassaf: "According to the ...
journalist (Mehmet Ali Birand, the) US Secretary of State ... phoned (the
US) President ... on the day of the coup to tell him: 'Your boys have
done it. Those who were to intervene, have intervened.' One of the 'boys'
was General Sahinkaya, Chief of the Air Force and one of the five members
of the (junta's) National Security Council (NSC). He had a series of high-level
meetings in Washington in the week preceding the military intervention."122
Saley Aay elaborates: The coup "was engineered not by fringe groups
with fringe agendas but by the web of security agencies that had been
woven by the CIA. Following the coup, the disappearances, murders, arrests
and tortures" of Kurdish and other 'radical activists' "increased
in volume and intensity. Henze's (CIA) coup - which was engineered
by his good (NAP) friend Turkes - had a triple (inspired) goal:
a) To combat the growing (Kurdish) unrest in Kurdistan,
b) To combat rising Islamic fundamentalism,
c) To counter Soviet expansionism which had set a beach head in Afghanistan."123
The effects of this 'inspired' psychological warfare policy were devastating:
The "group of army generals (who) carried out (the) coup d'etat ...
made it clear that they intended to brook no expression of the Kurdish
movement or identity whatsoever."124 In
response to these and other positive assurances, the US Secretary of Defence,
Weinberger, expressed his desire "to be of as much assistance as
we can be" to the military junta.125
of the coup" were also made by NATO's overall commander, US General
Bernard Rogers, who visited Ankara four times in early October, 1980,
and General David Jones, Chairman of the US Joint Chiefs of staff, who
visited Turkey in early November."126
As US-NATO psychological warfare and other 'regular' military assistance
continued, no fewer than eighty one thousand Kurds were detained between
September 1980 and September 1982, and two thirds of the army's total
force was mobilised in the Kurdish southeast to repress Kurdish society
in the region.127
"Villages and homes were raided by the army, and tens of thousands
of people, primarily Leftist activists and Kurds, were arrested and interrogated,
frequently under torture."128 At least
1,790 suspected members of the clandestine Kurdistan Workers Party (PKK)
were captured, including several members of its central committee,129
and several "leading PKK members were killed in detention."130
case of the PKK itself, 122 death sentences were passed and some 150 were
demanded."131 Legislation, moreover,
was passed which clearly sought to intensify the process of cultural genocide
of Kurds.132 In response to these targeting
actions, Weinberger, US Secretary of Defence, noted with satisfaction
that "the Turkish military government has fulfilled our highest expectations
since assuming power. We particularly admire the way law and order has
been restored (sic)."133
1. Desmond Fernandes lectures in Human Geography and Tourism Studies at
De Montfort University, Bedford, England. He has written extensively on
issues relating to Turkish state terror, genocide, 'deep politics', tourism
and the environment. He is the author of Beyond the Paradise of Infinite
Colours: Turkish State Terror, Tourism and the Kurdish Question (London/Bangalore,
KIC/R&B Books, 1996), Tourism Boycotts of Turkey and Burma (London,
KIC, 1996), The Kurdish Genocide in Turkey (Reading, Taderon, forthcoming)
and editor of Ismail Besikci's International Colony (Reading, Taderon,
forthcoming). Iskender Ozden is a Kurdish analyst and has translated Musa
Anter's Hatiralarim (My Memoirs) and Selahattin Celik's Olum Makinasi:
Turk Kontr-Gerillasi (Death Mission: The Turkish Contra-Guerrilla) into
2. Chomsky, N. (1991) Terrorising the Neighbourhood - American Foreign
Policy in the Post Cold War Era. Stirling, AK Press, p. 32.
3. Refer, for example, to Kinnane, D. (1964) The Kurds and Kurdistan.
London/New York, The Institute of Race Relations/Oxford University Press,
p. 33. For a wider debate on the 'targeting' activities of the 'colonial'
and 'repressive' Turkish state, refer to Besikci, International Colony,
and Anter, M. (1991) Hatiralarim (My Memoirs - Volume One). Istanbul,
4. As cited in Cook, D. (1989) Forging the Alliance: NATO, 1945-1950.
London, Secker and Warburg, p. 74. See also Truman, H. (1947) 'The Truman
Doctrine', in O'Tuathail, G., Dalby, S. and Routledge, P. (eds.) (1998)
The Geopolitics Reader. London/New York, Routledge, p. 59.
5. Kolko, J. and Kolko, G. (1972) The Limits of Power. New York, Harper
and Row, p. 413. Refer also to Herman, E. and Brodhead, F. (1986) The
Rise and Fall of the Bulgarian Connection. New York, Sheridan Square Publications,
6. Herman and Brodhead, The Rise and Fall of the Bulgarian Connection,
7. Lord Kinross (1954) Within the Taurus. London, John Murray, p. 101.
8. Anter, M. (1991) Hatiralarim (My Memoirs - Volume One), p. 54. Translated
into English by Iskender Ozden.
9. For further details on the nature of the Kurdish genocide, refer to
Fernandes, D. (1998) 'The Kurdish Genocide in Turkey, 1924-98', Armenian
Forum, Vol. 1 (4), p. 56-107.
10. Excerpts from a Turkish Ministry of Interior Affairs Report, dated
31st July, 1959, as quoted in Meiselas, S. (1997) Kurdistan: In The Shadow
of History. New York, Random House, p. 228.
11. Kendal (1980) 'Kurdistan in Turkey', in Chaliand, G. (ed) People Without
A Country: The Kurds and Kurdistan. London, Zed, p. 73. Kendal notes,
for instance, that "a US officer headed its military committee,"
p. 73. Miles Copeland, a CIA officer and US Vice Consul in Syria in 1949,
also notes in his book, The Game Of Nations: The Amorality of Power Politics
(London, Weidenfeld and Nicolson, p. 180), that "the Egyptians and
everyone else knew very well that the (Baghdad) Pact" - later
to evolve into the CENTO pact - "was (US) Secretary Dulles' brainchild."
12. Ghassemlou (1965) Kurdistan and the Kurds. London, Collet's, p. 251.
See also Kendal, Kurdistan in Turkey, p. 73 and Ghassemlou, Kurdistan
and the Kurds, p. 228, 251.
13. Randal, J. (1999) After Such Knowledge, What Forgiveness? Boulder,
Westview, p. 269. Cihat Baban, a journalist for 'Ulus' newspaper, and
an MP for the Peoples Republic Party (CHP) of Turkey, has also confirmed
the anti-Kurdish basis of CENTO's strategy - See Anter, Hatiralarim,
p. 193. Translated into English by Iskender Ozden.
14. Besikci, I. (forthcoming) The International Colony (English translation
from the original). Reading, Taderon Press.
15. Besikci, I. (forthcoming) The International Colony (English translation
from the original). Reading, Taderon Press.
16. Anter, Hatiralarim, p. 184. Translated into English by Iskender Ozden.
Anter notes, however, that the Turkish state chose to "turn down
this suggestion" as it would indirectly have the negative effect
of promoting and legitimising the Kurdish language (p. 184) - a process
which military and 'Kemalist' political circles found unacceptable.
17. Simpson, C. (1988) Blowback: America's Recruitment of Nazis and its
Effects on the Cold War. London, Weidenfeld and Nicholson, p. 91.
18. Simpson, Blowback: America's Recruitment of Nazis and its Effects
on the Cold War, p. 94.
19. Celik, S. (1995) Olum Makinasi: Turk Kontr-Gerillasi (Death Mission:
The Turkish Contra-Guerrilla). Cologne, Ulkem Press, p.67. Translated
into English by Iskender Ozden.
20. Simpson, C. (1994) The Science of Coercion: Communication Research
and Psychological Warfare. Oxford, OUP, p. 39.
21. Simpson, The Science of Coercion: Communication Research and Psychological
Warfare, p. 39.
22. Adams, J. (1988) Secret Armies: The Full Story of the SAS, Delta Force
and Spetsnaz. London, Pan, p. 28.
23. Paddock, A. (1982) US Army Special Warfare. Washington DC, National
Defence University Press, p. 73, also as cited in Adams, Secret Armies:
The Full Story of the SAS, Delta Force and Spetsnaz, p. 28-29.
24. Simpson, The Science of Coercion: Communication Research and Psychological
Warfare, p. 60.
25. Adams, Secret Armies: The Full Story of the SAS, Delta Force and Spetsnaz,
26. According to Agee, "white propaganda is that which is openly
acknowledged as coming from the US government, e.g. from the US Information
Agency (USIA); grey propaganda is ostensibly attributed to people or organisations
who do not acknowledge the US government as the source of their material
and who produce the material as if it were their own; black propaganda
is unattributed material, or it is attributed to a non-existent source,
or it is false material attributed to a real source." - Agee,
P. (1975) Inside the Company: CIA Diary. Harmondsworth, Penguin, p. 70.
27. As cited in Adams, Secret Armies: The Full Story of the SAS, Delta
Force and Spetsnaz, p. 29-30.
28. Simpson, The Science of Coercion: Communication Research and Psychological
Warfare, p. 7, 8, 13, 116, 117.
29. For a detailed insight into the nature of the Kurdish genocide in
Turkey, refer to Fernandes, D. (1999) 'The Kurdish Genocide in Turkey,
1924-98', Armenian Forum, Vol. 1(4), p. 56-107.
30. As quoted in Lewis Lapham's investigative documentary American Power:
Episode 4 - Omnipotence, screened on Discovery Channel, 1999.
31. As quoted in Lewis Lapham's investigative documentary American Power:
Episode 4 - Omnipotence, screened on Discovery Channel, 1999. For a
further account of the use by the CIA of mercenary forces and criminal
syndicates/masonic lodges (such as Aginter Press, World Service, Paladin
Group, P-2, the Organisation Armee contre le Communisme International)
throughout Europe, refer to Christie, S. (1984) Stefano Delle Chaie: Portrait
of a Black Terrorist. London, Anarchy Magazine/Refract Publications.
32. As cited in Simpson, The Science of Coercion: Communication Research
and Psychological Warfare, p. 12. Simpson interestingly notes that the
army's definition of 'psychological warfare' - quoted here - "was
classified as top secret at the time it was promulgated (early 1948) and
remained officially secret until (as late as) the early 1980's,"
33. See Simpson, The Science of Coercion: Communication Research and Psychological
Warfare, p. 12.
34. Agee, P. (1975) Inside the Company: CIA Diary. Harmondsworth, Penguin,
35. Scott, P.D. (2000) 'Washington and the Politics of Drugs', Variant,
2 (11), p. 3.
36. Adams, Secret Armies: The Full Story of the SAS, Delta Force and Spetsnaz,
37. See Celik's Turkey's Killing Machine: The Contra Guerrilla Force (http://www.hatford-hwp.com/archives/51/017.htm);
Deger, E. (1978) CIA, Kontr-Gerilla ve Turkiye. Ankara, Calgar; Roth,
J. and Taylan (1981) Die Turkei: Republic unter Wolfen. Bornheim, Lamuv;
Genc, S. (1975) Bicagin Sirtindali Turkiye: CIA/MIT/Kontr-Gerilla. Istanbul,
38. As quoted in Lobster - The Journal of Parapolitics, Issue 18, 1989.
39. See Kendal (1993) 'Kurdistan in Turkey', in Chaliand, G. (ed) A People
Without a Country: Kurds and Kurdistan. London, Zed, p. 78.
40. Mc Dowall, D. (1996) A Modern History of the Kurds. London, I.B. Tauris,
41. Devrim, no. 36 (23rd June, 1970), and quoted in Mc Dowall, A Modern
History of the Kurds, p. 409.
42. Kendal, 'Kurdistan in Turkey', p. 78.
43. Kendal, 'Kurdistan in Turkey', p. 78.
44. Burghardt, T. (1998) 'Editor's Introduction', Antifa Info-Bulletin,
Special Edition, May 12, 1998, p.1. For a detailed description of the
drug linked terrorist activities of the Grey Wolves and NAP, refer to
Celik, S. (ed.) (written in 1998) Gangster State: The Susurluk Crash and
the Entanglement of the State, Underworld and Counter-Guerrillas in Turkey
(The English Translation, as yet unpublished).
45. Berberoglu, B. (1982) Turkey in Crisis. London, Zed, p. 119.
46. Poulton, H. (1997) Top Hat, Grey Wolf and Crescent: Turkish Nationalism
and the Turkish Republic. London, Hurst and Company, p. 161.
47. As quoted in Poulton, Top Hat, Grey Wolf and Crescent: Turkish Nationalism
and the Turkish Republic, p. 153.
48. Kendal, 'Kurdistan in Turkey', p. 96.
49. Celik, Olum Makinasi: Turk Kontr-Gerillasi, p. 69 (As translated into
English by Iskender Ozden).
50. Celik, Olum Makinasi: Turk Kontr-Gerillasi, p. 69 (As translated into
English by Iskender Ozden).
51. Counterspy, Summer 1980, p. 14, as cited in the 'CIABASE files on
Death Squads supported by the CIA' as compiled by Ralph McGehee, 10/11/95.
52. Counterspy, Summer 1980, p.14, and as cited by Ralph McGehee, 'CIABASE
files on Death Squads supported by the CIA', 10/11/95.
53. Roubatis, Y. and Wynn, K. (1978) 'CIA Operations in Greece', in Agee,
P. and Wolf, L. (eds) Dirty Work: The CIA in Western Europe. London, Zed,
54. As quoted in Devrimci Sol (1997) 'The Name of the War Against the
People: Contra-Guerrillas,' Devrimci Sol Revolutionary Left, January 1997,
55. Celik, Olum Makinasi: Turk Kontr-Gerillasi, p. 168 (As translated
into English by Iskender Ozden).
56. Zurcher (1997) Turkey: A Modern History. London/New York, IB Tauris,
57. As quoted by Earley, P. (1997) Confessions of a Spy: The Real Story
of Aldrich Ames. London, Hodder and Stoughton, p. 47.
58. Anter notes, for instance, that "the leader of MIT, General Ziya
Selisik, sent a letter ... in 1962 ... to Yon ('The Way') magazine to
be published as a way of warning to 'left-wing groups' to rethink. He
pointed out that all Kurds who were studying were viewed by the state
as communists!" - See Anter, Hatiralarim, p. 217 (As translated
into English by Iskender Ozden).
59. It should be noted here, however, that doubts have been expressed
in some quarters concerning the accuracy of Elci's claims. For a detailed
discussion of this affair, refer to Anter, Hatiralarim, p. 210-216 (As
translated into English by Iskender Ozden).
60. As cited in Fernandes, D. (1996) Beyond the Paradise of Infinite Colours:Turkish
State Terror, Tourism and the Kurdish Question. London, KIC, p. 69.
61. Who was CIA director between 1953 and 1961.
62. Simpson, C. (1993) The Splendid Blond Beast: Money, Law and Genocide
in the Twentieth Century. New York, Grove Press.
63. Loftus, J. and Aarons, M. (1997) The Secret War Against the Jews:
How Western Espionage Betrayed the Jewish People. New York, St. Martin's
Press/Griffin edition, p. 221.
64. Cook, Forging the Alliance: NATO, 1945-1950, p. 131.
65. Walker, W. (1982) The Next Domino? London, Corgi, p. 143, 146.
66. Pallister, D. (1990) The Guardian, 5th December, and as cited in Statewatch's
(undated) 'Operation Gladio' file, p. 11.
67. As revealed to Former Prime Minister Ecevit and as cited in the February
1993 edition of Info Turk and Fernandes, Beyond the Paradise of Infinite
Colours: Turkish State Terror, Tourism and the Kurdish Question, p. 69.
Refer also to Celik's Turkey's Killing Machine: The Contra-Guerrilla Force
Roth, J. and Taylan, K. (1981); Counterspy Vol. VI, No 2, February-April
1982, p. 23-25 and Herman and Brodhead's The Rise and Fall of the Bulgarian
Connection, p. 61.
68. Roth, J. and Taylan, K. (1981) Die Turkei: Republik Unter Wolfen/Turkey:
A Republic Ruled By Wolves. Bornheim, Lamur Verlag, as quoted in Herman,
The Rise and Fall of the Bulgarian Connection, p. 61.
69. Hurriyet, 26 November 1992, and as cited in Celik, Turkey's Killing
Machine: The Contra-Guerrilla Force (http://www.hatford-hwp.com/archives/51/017.htm).
70. In effect a parallel structure to the CIA-NATO inspired 'Gladio' paramilitary
organisation in Italy, 'Schwert' ('Sword') in Austria, 'SDR-8' in Belgium,
'Glaive' in France, 'Operation Sheepskin' in Greece, 'Sveaborg' in Sweden,
'P-26' in Switzerland and others in Denmark, Germany, Holland, Luxembourg,
Norway, Portugal, Spain and the UK.
71. Celik, Turkey's Killing Machine: The Contra-Guerrilla Force (http://www.hatford-hwp.com/archives/51/017.htm).
72. Associated Press release, 14 November, 1990 and as cited in Statewatch's
(undated) Operation Gladio file.
73. See Lee, M.A. (1997) 'On the Trail of Turkey's Terrorist Grey Wolves',
Antifa Info-Bulletin, 10 July, 1997 (http://burn.ucsd.edu/archives/kurd-1/1997/0006.html).
74. Directive ST 31-15 - 'Action Against Irregular Forces' - See
Celik, Olum Makinasi: Turk Kontr-Gerillasi, p. 77 (As translated into
English by Iskender Ozden).
75. See Celik, Olum Makinasi: Turk Kontr-Gerillasi, p. 77 (As translated
into English by Iskender Ozden).
76. See Celik, Turkey's Killing Machine: The Contra-Guerrilla Force (http://www.hatford-hwp.com/archives/51/017.htm).
77. See Celik, Turkey's Killing Machine: The Contra-Guerrilla Force (http://www.hatford-hwp.com/archives/51/017.htm).
78. As cited in Fernandes, Beyond the Paradise of Infinite Colours: Turkish
State Terror, Tourism and the Kurdish Question, p. 69.
79. Flint, J. (1997) Correspondent: In the Interests of the State. London,
80. See Celik, Olum Makinasi: Turk Kontr-Gerillasi, p. 76 (As translated
into English by Iskender Ozden).
81. Directive ST 31/15 for Operations Against Irregular Forces, as cited
in Celik, Turkey's Killing Machine: The Contra-Guerrilla Force (http://www.hatford-hwp.com/archives/51/017.htm).
82. Franco Salinas, 'State of Emergency' (p82-88), as cited in Celik,
Turkey's Killing Machine: The Contra-Guerrilla Force (http://www.hatford-hwp.com/archives/51/017.htm).
83. Celik, Turkey's Killing Machine: The Contra-Guerrilla Force (http://www.hatford-hwp.com/archives/51/017.htm).
84. Kurku, E. (1997) 'Turkey: Trapped in a Web of Covert Killers', Antifa
Info-Bulletin, 7 August 1997.
85. As cited/quoted in Fernandes, Beyond the Paradise of Infinite Colours:
Turkish State Terror, Tourism and the Kurdish Question, p. 69.
86. As cited/quoted in Fernandes, Beyond the Paradise of Infinite Colours:
Turkish State Terror, Tourism and the Kurdish Question, p. 69.
87. As cited/quoted in Fernandes, Beyond the Paradise of Infinite Colours:
Turkish State Terror, Tourism and the Kurdish Question, p. 69.
88. Devrimci Sol (1997) 'Who Are Guilty?', Devrimci Sol, January 1997,
89. Human Rights Watch Arms Project (1995) Weapons Transfers and Violations
of the Laws of War in Turkey. New York, Human Rights Watch, p. 4.
90. See Fernandes, D. (1999) 'The Kurdish Genocide in Turkey, 1924-98',
Armenian Forum, Vol. 1 (4).
91. Human Rights Watch Arms Project, Weapons Transfers and Violations
of the Laws of War in Turkey, p. 17.
92. See Fernandes, Beyond the Paradise of Infinite Colours: Turkish State
Terror, Tourism and the Kurdish Question, p. 69.
93. As cited in Fernandes, Beyond the Paradise of Infinite Colours: Turkish
State Terror, Tourism and the Kurdish Question, p. 69.
94. As cited in Fernandes, Beyond the Paradise of Infinite Colours; Turkish
State Terror, Tourism and the Kurdish Question, p. 71.
95. See Celik, Olum Makinasi: Turk Kontr-Gerillasi, p. 168-169 (As translated
into English by Iskender Ozden).
96. A term used by Celik in Olum Makinasi: Turk Kontr-Gerillasi, p. 87
(As translated into English by Iskender Ozden).
97. See Celik, Olum Makinasi: Turk Kontr-Gerillasi, p. 87-88 (As translated
into English by Iskender Ozden).
98. Randal, After Such Knowledge, What Forgiveness? My Encounters with
Kurdistan, p. 263.
99. Simpson, Blowback: America's Recruitment of Nazis and its Effects
on the Cold War, p. 62. For further details on this matter, refer to Christie's
book, Stefano Delle Shaie: Portrait of a Black Terrorist.
100. See Herman and Brodhead, The Rise and Fall of the Bulgarian Connection,
p. 62; Berberoglu, Turkey in Crisis, p. 126 and Benhabib, S. (1979) 'Right
Wing Groups Behind Political Violence in Turkey', MERIP Reports, Number
77, May 1977, p. 17.
101. Berberoglu, Turkey in Crisis, p. 126.
102. Lee, M. A. (1997) 'On the Trail of Turkey's Killers' (http://burn.ucsd.edu/archives/kurd-1/1997.Jun/0006.html).
103. Harris (1990), as quoted in Fernandes, Beyond the Paradise of Infinite
Colours: Turkish State Terror, Tourism and the Kurdish Question, p. 69.
104. Berberoglu, Turkey in Crisis, p. 125.
105. Taken from a Harris (1990) quote, excerpted from Fernandes, Beyond
the Paradise of Infinite Colours: Turkish State Terror, Tourism and the
Kurdish Question, p. 69.
106. Brodhead, F., Friel, H. and Herman, E. (1985) 'Darkness in Rome:
the "Bulgarian Connection" Revisited', Covert Action Quarterly,
No. 23, Spring 1995, p. 28.
107. Kendal, 'Kurdistan in Turkey', p. 96, and Celik, Gangster State:
The Susurluk Crash and the Entanglement of the State, Underworld and Counter-Guerrillas
in Turkey, Chapter 7 (The English Translation, as yet unpublished).
108. Poulton (1997) Top Hat, Grey Wolf and Crescent: Turkish Nationalism
and the Turkish Republic, p. 151.
109. See Clark, W (1999) 'Byzantine Politics: The Abduction and Trial
of Abdullah Ocalan', Variant Supplement, Autumn 1999, p. 3 (quoting from
an excerpt from Covert Action Quarterly, No. 61).
110. Covert Action (No. 61), as quoted by Clark, W (1999) 'Byzantine Politics:
The Abduction and Trial of Abdullah Ocalan,' p. 3.
111. Celik (1995) Olum Makinasi: Turk Kontr-Gerillasi (Death Mission:
The Turkish Contra-Guerrilla), p. 70, as translated into English by Iskender
112. Celik, Gangster State: The Susurluk Crash and the Entanglement of
the State, Underworld and Counter-Guerrillas in Turkey, Chapter 7 (The
English Translation, as yet unpublished).
113. Devrimci Sol (1997) 'Who Are Guilty?', Devrimci Sol, January 1997,
114. Devrimci Sol, 'Catli Was in Cyprus with Topal: Radikal - Press
Clippings from Turkey on the Susurluk Scandal', Devrimci Sol, January
1997, p. 29. See also Devrimci Sol (1997) 'Who Are Guilty?,' Devrimci
Sol, January 1997, p. 30.
115. See Aktuel magazine, no. 282, 1996, 'Gladio took Abdullah Catli to
116. Devrimci Sol, 'Agca and Celik in Danger: Sabah - Press Clippings
from Turkey on the Susurluk Scandal', Devrimci Sol, January 1997, p. 23.
117. Devrimci Sol, 'The Catli-CIA Link: Aydinlik - Press Clippings
from Turkey on the Susurluk Scandal,' Devrimci Sol, January 1997, p. 24.
118. See Aktuel magazine, no. 282, 1996, 'Gladio took Abdullah Catli to
119. Herman and Brodhead, The Rise and Fall of the Bulgarian Connection,
120. Berberoglu, Turkey in Crisis, p. 123.
121. Harriss (1990), as cited in Fernandes, The Paradise of Infinite Colours:
Turkish State Terror, Tourism and the Kurdish Question, p. 72. See also
Herman, E. (1982) The Real Terror Network: Terrorism in Fact and Propaganda.
Boston, South End Press, p. 209.
122. Savran, S., Tanor, B. and Vassaf, G. (1987) Out of Order: Turkish
Universities and Totalitarianism. London, World University Service, p.
8. Savran, Tanor and Vassaf cite the Birand source as: Birand, M. A. (1984)
12 Eylul Saat 04.00. Istanbul, Karacan Yayinlari, p. 286-287.
123. Aay, S. (1999) Paul Henze: Scholar or Ethiopian Propagandist? (http://www.primenet.com/~ephrem2/articles/henze_sal.html).
124. Mc Dowall, D. (1992) The Kurds: A Nation Denied. London, Minority
Rights Publications, p. 44.
125. Herman, E. (1982) The Real Terror Network: Terrorism in Fact and
Propaganda. Boston, South End Press, p. 209.
126. Berberoglu, Turkey in Crisis, p. 128.
127. Mc Dowall, A Modern History of the Kurds, p. 414.
128. Mc Dowall, The Kurds: A Nation Denied, p. 44.
129. Mc Dowall, A Modern History of the Kurds, p. 414.
130. Rayne, T. (1992) 'Introduction' to We Put Our Trust In The Kurdish
People: Abdullah Ocalan, General Secretary, Kurdistan Workers Party (PKK) - Interviews
And Speeches. London, KSC-KIC Publications, p. 2.
131. KSC-KIC (1992) 'Biographical Notes' in We Put Our Trust In The Kurdish
People: Abdullah Ocalan, General Secretary, Kurdistan Workers Party (PKK) - Interviews
And Speeches. London, KSC-KIC Publications, p. 6.
132. For a detailed insight into the matter, see Fernandes, 'The Kurdish
Genocide in Turkey, 1924-98', p. 93.
133. Wake Up (1996) 'British Intelligence and Covert Action: How the British
State Supports International Terrorism', Wake Up, Number 11, p. 48.