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MAINE
State Profile

The following data and information about this state is taken from the 2006 Almanac of American Politics. The 2006 Almanac can be ordered online, or by phone at 1-800-356-4838.

State At A Glance  •  Key Elected Officials  •  Political History & Analysis


In effect there are two Maines — booming coastal Maine and declining interior Maine.

At A Glance

  • Size: 35,385 square miles
  • Population in 2000: 1,274,923; 40.2% urban; 59.8% rural
  • Population in 1990: 1,227,928
  • Population Change: Up 3.8% 1990-2000; Up 9.2% 1980-1990
  • Population Rank: 40th of 50; 0.5% of total U.S. population
  • Most Populous Cities: Portland (63,635); Lewiston (35,922); Bangor (31,550); South Portland (23,553); Auburn (23,313)
  • Registered Voters: 297,831 D (31.1%); 274,727 R (28.7%); 384,927 unaffiliated and minor parties (40.2%)
  • State Senate: 19 D 16 R
  • State House: 74 D 73 R 3 I 1 G
  • State Legislative Term Limits: Yes



Key Elected Officials

  • Gov. John Baldacci (D)
  • Sen. Olympia Snowe (R)
  • Sen. Susan Collins (R)
  • Representatives: (2 D):
Tom Allen
  (D-01)
Michael Michaud
  (D-02)



About Maine

Maine is a state with a distinctive personality--ornery, contrary-minded, almost bullheaded, rough-hewn. It is the state closest geographically to Europe, but it was not heavily settled until the mid-19th century, and then by people coming from the south and west--the opposite of America's usual pattern. In an urbanizing and rapidly changing country, Maine was famous for its pointed firs and steady habits, with a few dozen small factory and mill towns but nothing like a major metropolis. Maine grew in a rush and then mostly stopped: There were 600,000 people here in 1860 but its population did not top 1 million until the 1970s. Then the tremors of the New England high-tech booms of the 1980s and 1990s reverberated up I-95 and shook Maine. The simple, back-to-nature Yankee style came into vogue. The antique dockside buildings on Portland's waterfront were restored and an old-style Public Market was constructed; the Maine Mall expanded and saw office parks spring up nearby, a miniature edge city; real estate prices rose by hundreds of percents, not just in vacation coves, but in Portland and small towns that had never considered themselves picturesque. The L.L. Bean headquarters in Freeport, open 24 hours a day, 365 days a year, symbolized the boom: The two chaste initials and the Anglo-Saxon monosyllable suggesting the dry understatement of Down East Yankees; the 24-hour-a-day schedule recalling the hard work needed to eke out a living from the cold waters of the North Atlantic to the pine-covered north woods; the commercial success of the enterprise a prime example of Maine's unexpected boom. Something like the Maine slogan: "The way life should be."


Over these years, Maine's economy was transformed. It lost jobs in shoes, chicken processing, papermaking and timber, but gained in tourism, call centers and high-tech. Unemployment has been among the lowest in the nation, shoe factory jobs have been replaced by call center jobs. The Grand Banks have been overfished and fishing seasons shortened, but there's a new market among northern Europeans for Maine shrimp. The lobster industry has been thriving, with catches since 2000 near the all-time record, even as lumber mills close down. Scratching small Maine boiling potatoes out of the soil of Aroostook County has become harder; the nation's top potato producer 50 years ago, Maine fell to eighth place in the 1990s: small potatoes. But Loring Air Force Base, closed in 1994, has been developed and has generated jobs in food manufacturing, aircraft disassembly and storage, telemarketing and state government. Biotech has sprung up on southern Maine soil and Maine exports not just paper and lumber and seafood, but also computer parts, aircraft parts and in 2004, a $250 million oil exploration platform. Tourism continues to be the biggest business here, and Bath Iron Works, long the state's largest private employer, has a long-term contract to build 21 Arleigh Burke Class Naval destroyers, though the Maine delegation had their worst fears confirmed when Portsmouth Naval Shipyard, which repairs submarines, fell victim to the 2005 base-closing round. But it is the new economy that undergirds Maine's flannel-shirt lifestyle and its fierce pride.


Now in effect there are two Maines--booming coastal Maine and declining interior Maine. Growth is greatest in York County and along the coast from the New Hampshire line to the Penobscot River; population is declining or stable in the North Woods and the far northeast. Demographically, Maine is like Western Europe, with an aging population and the lowest birth rate in the United States; the U.S. as a whole grew by 18% from 1990 to 2004, but Maine grew by just 7%, as young people in their early 20s continue to leave the state. An aging population has its advantages (Maine was number 49 in the rate of violent crime in 2003) and disadvantages (health care costs are high and the percentage with employer-provided health insurance low). Maine has the highest high school graduation rate in the country, but its high schools and colleges have not been providing enough graduates to fill its job openings. There has been little immigration here (and in 2004 Maine tourist businesses couldn't get enough visa for summer employees): in 2000 Maine was the whitest state in the nation, less than 1% Hispanic or Asian.


In politics, Maine is contrary-minded. Until 1958, Maine held state elections in September, a date originally chosen because it followed the state's early harvest; in the days before polls, the results here were taken as a gauge of national partisan movement--hence the saying, ''As Maine goes, so goes the nation.'' However, in September 1936, Maine voted 56% for Republican Governor Lewis Barrows and in November only Maine and Vermont voted for Alf Landon over Franklin D. Roosevelt, prompting Roosevelt's campaign manager to observe, ''As Maine goes, so goes Vermont.'' Maine's adherence to flinty Yankee Republicanism and Prohibition was echoed almost nowhere else in the nation. Since then, it has voted for the loser in the close presidential elections of 1948, 1960, 1968, 1976, 2000 and 2004--a record equaled by no other state. Maine cast the nation's highest percentages for Ross Perot, 30% in 1992 and 14% in 1996. In 1994 and 1998 it elected Angus King, an Independent and former Democrat, as governor, as it had elected Independent and former Republican James Longley in 1974. Thus in the past eight gubernatorial elections Maine voted twice for Republicans, three times for Democrats and three times for Independents.


If Maine's tradition-minded Yankees kept the state Republican long after the nation embraced the New Deal, the sons and daughters of its ethnics--Irish, French Canadian, Greek and Arab immigrants have come to equal the numbers of pure WASPs (though these new Mainers in many ways share traditional Yankee traits and values)--made the Democrats competitive, perhaps even dominant, here in the 1980s as they were losing ground in the rest of the nation. Now, ticket-splitting is very much the norm here. In 2000 Maine voted 49%-44% for Al Gore, 69%-31% for Republican Senator Olympia Snowe and 66%-32% Democratic in its two House races. In 2002 Maine reelected Republican Senator Susan Collins 58%-42% and elected Democrat John Baldacci as governor by 47%-41%. In 2004 Maine voted 54%-45% for John Kerry but Republicans made gains in the state House. In the 1990s Maine had more partisan turnover in its state legislative seats than any other state; in its small seats (average population of a state House seat is 8,724) Mainers vote for the person, not the party. In 2004 Protestants voted 55%-43% for Bush and Catholics 58%-40% for Kerry--which looks like Maine's politics of the past and is out of line with results elsewhere, and was good news for Democrats. But Bush also carried Mainers under 30--again contrary to the national trend, a good sign for Republicans.


As the economy changed, Maine moved toward a consensus on how to balance economic growth and preserve the environment. But there is disagreement raging about the North Woods. The big paper companies, long the biggest landowners in Maine, have been selling off huge acreage--7 million acres between 1998 and 2004. As Conservation Commissioner Patrick McGowan put it, "For generations the paper companies sort of managed everything for us up here. They gave sportsmen pretty much free rein, and in turn people up here helped out as stewards of the land. But with all of these new buyers, nobody quite knows what will happen now, and people are getting nervous." Local Mainers want to keep using the land for hunting and snowmobiling. But a Concord, Massachusetts group called Restore: The North Woods, with backing from Hollywood stars, wants to create a huge national park, bigger than Yellowstone and Yosemite combined. Environmental-minded rich people are buying up land with a view toward donating it for a national park; Roxanne Quimby, a beeswax lip balm millionaire who spends much of the year in Palm Beach, bought 50,000 acres and banned hunting and snowmobiling. In response Millinocket's city manager passes out bumper stickers that read, "Restore: Boston, Leave our Maine Way of Life Alone." Governor John Baldacci calls the national park proposal a "nonstarter," and has promoted alternatives--the West Branch Project with 329,000 acres, with recreational easements on some of the land, and a Nature Conservancy reserve with 185,000 acres, with eco-reserves, wilderness areas and land available for sustainable timber harvests. But not only people have a say. Maine has some 23,000 bears, and Mainers are not agreed on what to do with them. Animal lovers got the signatures for a ballot initiative banning bear-baiting, the usual method for hunting bears. The voters rejected it by just a 53%-47% margin; Portland voted 68% for it, Millinocket 73% against.





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