Peace without Victory
January 22, 1917
Gentlemen of the Senate,
On the 18th of December last I addressed an identic note to the governments of the nations now at war requesting them to state,
more definitely than they had yet been stated by either group of belligerents, the terms upon which they would deem it possible
to make peace. I spoke on behalf of humanity and of the rights of all neutral nations like our own, many of whose most vital
interests the war puts in constant jeopardy. The Central powers united in a reply which stated merely that they were ready to
meet their antagonists in conference to discuss terms of peace. The Entente powers have replied much more definitely and have
stated, in general terms, indeed, but with sufficient definiteness to imply details, the arrangements, guarantees, and acts
of reparation which they deem to be the indispensable conditions of a satisfactory settlement. We are that much nearer a definite
discussion of the peace which shall end the present war. We are that much nearer the discussion of the international concert
which must thereafter hold the world at peace. In every discussion of the peace that must end this war it is taken for granted
that that peace must be followed by some definite concert of power which will make it virtually impossible that any such catastrophe
should ever overwhelm us again. Every lover of mankind, every sane and thoughtful man, must take that for granted.
I have sought this opportunity to address you because I thought that I owed it to you, as the council associated with me in the
final determination of our international obligations, to disclose to you without reserve the thought and purpose that have been
taking form in my mind in regard to the duty of our Government in the days to come when it will be necessary to lay afresh and upon
a new plan the foundations of peace among the nations.
It is inconceivable that the people of the United States should play no part in that great enterprise. To take part in such a
service will be the opportunity for which they have sought to prepare themselves by the very principles and purposes of their
polity and the approved practices of their Government ever since the days when they set up a new nation in the high and honorable
hope that it might in all that it was and did show mankind the way to liberty. They can not in honor withhold the service to which
they are now about to be challenged. They do not wish to withhold it. But they owe it to themselves and the other nations of the
world to state the conditions under which hey will feel free to render it.
The present war must first be ended; but we owe it to candor and to a just regard for the opinion of mankind to say that, so far as
our participation in guarantees of future peace is concerned, it makes a great deal of difference in what way and upon what terms
it is ended. The treaties and agreements which bring it to an end must embody terms which will create a peace that is worth
guaranteeing and preserving, a peace that will win the approval of mankind, not merely a peace that will serve the several
interests and immediate aims of the nations engaged. We shall have no voice in determining what those terms shall be, but we shall,
I feel sure, have a voice in determining whether they shall be made lasting or not by the guarantees of a universal covenant; and
our judgment upon what is fundamental and essential as a condition precedent to permanency should be spoken now, not afterwards
when it may be too late.
No covenant of cooperative peace that does not include the peoples of the New World can suffice to keep the future safe against
war; and yet there is only one sort of peace that the peoples of America could join in guaranteeing. The elements of that peace
must be elements that engage the confidence and satisfy the principles of the American governments, elements consistent with their
political faith and with the practical convictions which the peoples of America have once for all embraced and undertaken to defend.
I do not mean to say that any American government would throw any obstacle in the way of any terms of peace the governments now at
war might agree upon, or seek to upset them when made, whatever they might be. I only take it for granted that mere terms of peace
between the belligerents will not satisfy even the belligerents themselves. Mere agreements may not make peace secure. It will be
absolutely necessary that a force be created as a guarantor of the permanency of the settlement so much greater than the force of
any nation now engaged or any alliance hitherto formed or projected that no nation, no probable combination of nations, could face
or withstand it. If the peace presently to be made is to endure, it must be a peace made secure by the organized major force of
The terms of the immediate peace agreed upon will determine whether it is a peace for which such a guarantee can be secured. The
question upon which the whole future peace and policy of the world depends is this: Is the present war a struggle for a just and
secure peace, or only for a new balance of power? If it be only a struggle for a new balance of power, who will guarantee, who can
guarantee, the stable equilibrium of the new arrangement? Only a tranquil Europe can be a stable Europe. There must be, not a
balance of power, but a community of power; not organized rivalries, but an organized common peace.
Fortunately we have received very explicit assurances on this point the statesmen of both of the groups of nations now arrayed
against one another have said, in terms that could not be misinterpreted, that it was no part of the purpose they had in mind to
crush their antagonists. But the implications of these assurances may not be equally clear to all -- may not be the same on both
sides of the water. I think it will be serviceable if I attempt to set forth what we understand them to be.
They imply, first of all, that it must be a peace without victory. It is not pleasant to say this. I beg that I may be permitted to
put my own interpretation upon it and that it may be understood that no other interpretation was in my thought. I am seeking only
to face realities and to face them without soft concealments. Victory would mean peace forced upon the loser, a victor's terms
imposed upon the vanquished. It would be accepted in humiliation, under duress, at an intolerable sacrifice, and would leave a
sting, a resentment, a bitter memory upon which terms of peace would rest, not permanently, but only as upon quicksand. Only a
peace between equals can last, only a peace the very principle of which is equality and a common participation in a common benefit.
The right state of mind, the right feeling between nations, is as necessary for a lasting peace as is the just settlement of vexed
questions of territory or of racial and national allegiance.
The equality of nations upon which peace must be founded if it is to last must be an equality of rights; the guarantees exchanged
must neither recognize nor imply a difference between big nations and small, between those that are powerful and those that are
weak. Right must be based upon the common strength, not upon the individual strength, of the nations upon whose concert peace will
depend. Equality of territory or of resources there of course cannot be; nor any other sort of equality not gained in the ordinary
peaceful and legitimate development of the peoples themselves. But no one asks or expects anything more than an equality of rights.
Mankind is looking now for freedom of life, not for equipoises of power.
And there is a deeper thing involved than even equality of right among organized nations. No peace can last, or ought to last,
which does not recognize and accept the principle that governments derive all their just powers from the consent of the governed,
and that no right anywhere exists to hand peoples about from sovereignty to sovereignty as if they were property. I take it for
granted, for instance, if I may venture upon a single example, that statesmen everywhere are agreed that there should be a united,
independent, and autonomous Poland, and that henceforth inviolable security of life, of worship, and of industrial and social
development should be guaranteed to all peoples who have lived hitherto under the power of governments devoted to a faith and
purpose hostile to their own.
I speak of this, not because of any desire to exalt an abstract political principle which has always been held very dear by those
who have sought to build up liberty in America, but for the same reason that I have spoken of the other conditions of peace which
seem to me clearly indispensable -- because I wish frankly to uncover realities. Any peace which does not recognize and accept this
principle will inevitably be upset. It will not rest upon the affections or the convictions of mankind. The ferment of spirit of
whole populations will fight subtly and constantly against it, and all the world will sympathize. The world can be at peace only if
its life is stable, and there can be no stability where the will is in rebellion, where there is not tranquility of spirit and a
sense of justice, of freedom, and of right.
So far as practicable, moreover, every great people now struggling towards a full development of its resources and of its powers
should be assured a direct outlet to the great highways of the sea. Where this can not be done by the cession of territory, it can
no doubt be done by the neutralization of direct rights of way under the general guarantee which will assure the peace itself. With
a right comity of arrangement no nation need be shut away from free access to the open paths of the world's commerce.
And the paths of the sea must alike in law and in fact be free. The freedom of the seas is the sine qua non of peace, equality, and
cooperation. No doubt a somewhat radical reconsideration of many of the rules of international practice hitherto thought to be
established may be necessary in order to make the seas indeed free and common in practically all circumstances for the use of
mankind, but the motive for such changes is convincing and compelling. There can be no trust or intimacy between the peoples of the
world without them. The free, constant, unthreatened intercourse of nations is an essential part of the process of peace and of
development. It need not be difficult either to define or to secure the freedom of the seas if the governments of the world
sincerely desire to come to an agreement concerning it.
It is a problem closely connected with the limitation of naval armaments and the cooperation of the navies of the world in keeping
the seas at once free and safe, and the question of limiting naval armaments opens the wider and perhaps more difficult question of
the limitation of armies and of all programs of military preparation. Difficult and delicate as these questions are, they must be
faced with the utmost candor and decided in a spirit of real accommodation if peace is to come with healing in its wings, and come
to stay. Peace cannot be had without concession and sacrifice. There can be no sense of safety and equality among the nations if
great preponderance armaments are henceforth to continue here and there to be built up and maintained. The statesmen of the world
must plan for peace and nations must adjust and accommodate their policy to it as they have planned for war and made ready for
pitiless contest and rivalry. The question of armaments, whether on land or sea, is the most immediately and intensely practical
question connected with the future fortunes of nations and of mankind.
I have spoken upon these great matters without reserve and with the utmost explicitness because it has seemed to me to be necessary
if the world's yearning desire for peace was anywhere to find free voice and utterance. Perhaps I am the only person in high
authority amongst all the peoples of the world who is at liberty to speak and hold nothing back. I am speaking as an individual,
and yet I am speaking also, of course, as the responsible head of a great government, and I feel confident that I have said what
the people of the United States would wish me to say. May I not add that I hope and believe that I am in effect speaking for
liberals and friends of humanity in every nation and of every program of liberty? I would fain believe that I am speaking for the
silent mass of mankind everywhere who have as yet had no place or opportunity to speak their real hearts out concerning the death
and ruin they see to have come already upon the persons and the homes they hold most dear.
And in holding out the expectation that the people and Government of the United States will join the other civilized nations of the
world in guaranteeing the permanence of peace upon such terms as I have named I speak with the greater boldness and confidence
because it is clear to every man who can think that there is in this promise no breach in either our traditions or our policy as a
nation, but a fulfillment, rather, of all that we have professed or striven for.
I am proposing, as it were, that the nations should with one accord adopt the doctrine of President Monroe as the doctrine of the
world: that no nation should seek to extend its polity over any other nation or people, but that every people should be left free
to determine its own polity, its own way of development, unhindered, unthreatened, unafraid, the little along with the great and
I am proposing that all nations henceforth avoid entangling alliances which would draw them into competitions of power, catch them
in a net of intrigue and selfish rivalry, and disturb their own affairs with influences intruded from without. There is no
entangling alliance in a concert of power. When all unite to act in the same sense and with the same purpose, all act in the common
interest and are free to live their own lives under a common protection.
I am proposing government by the consent of the governed; that freedom of the seas which in international conference after
conference representatives of the United States have urged with the eloquence of those who are the convinced disciples of liberty;
and that moderation of armaments which makes of armies and navies a power for order merely, not an instrument of aggression or
These are American principles, American policies. We could stand for no others. And they are also the principles and policies of
forward-looking men and women everywhere, of every modern nation, of every enlightened community. They are the principles of
mankind and must prevail.