The Two Brazils
"We
progress at night when the politicians sleep,"
goes an old Brazilian saying. Today, after more than
a decade of political and economic change, Brazil's
landless, its evangelicals, its indigenous peoples,
and others have emerged into the daylight. Brazil's
future lies as much in their hands, our author writes,
as in those of the politicians and bankers.
by
Kenneth Maxwell
Only
a year ago, Brazilians were full of confidence that
their country was poised to surge into the 21st century,
that perhaps it was finally on the road to becoming
the great power many had long imagined it would be.
In 1994, Finance Minister Fernando Henrique Cardoso,
a former Marxist professor of sociology turned neoliberal
reformer, had masterminded a sweeping currency reform--the
Real Plan--which joined other liberalizing measures
and thrust Brazil, with the world's eighth largest economy,
into the forefront of the global trend toward open markets
and free trade. Not only were Brazilians prospering
but their decade-old democracy had found solid footing.
Later in 1994, Cardoso was rewarded for his efforts
as finance minister with the presidency, becoming Brazil's
second directly elected civilian chief executive since
the military surrendered power in 1985.
Then
came the global economic crisis, beginning with the
currency collapses in Southeast Asia in 1997, escalating
with the Russian defaults last August, and landing with
a crash on Brazil shortly after. Having failed, despite
its many other successes, to get its fiscal house in
order, Brazil found itself dangerously dependent on
infusions of foreign capital to finance its trade and
government deficits, struggling to stay afloat even
as nervous investors fled with their dollars.
Cardoso,
who won a second term in October in the midst of the
crisis, was forced to take drastic measures to cut government
spending, increase taxes, and reduce indebtedness. In
return, Brazil won a $41.5 billion bailout orchestrated
by the International Monetary Fund (IMF)--and the guarantee
of more painful measures to come, as well as a recession
that promises to be long and deep. Cardoso, who was,
in his Marxist days, a high priest of dependency theory--the
notion that the developed capitalist nations would forever
hold the less developed economies in thrall--must have
wondered if he had been so wrong after all.
Yet
Brazil's decade of political and economic success has
changed the country in certain irreversible ways. And
the changes will, paradoxically, complicate its recovery.
Prosperity, the opening up of political life, and the
expansion of educational opportunities brought with
them a deeper political engagement by the population,
and the emergence of unions, political parties, and
a variety of grassroots organizations. To a degree that
is unprecedented in the country's history, Brazilians
have found their political voice, and they have begun
to rethink what it means to be Brazilian.
The
IMF-mandated policies thus risk bringing about headlong
confrontation between the Brazil of bankers and businessmen
and a new Brazil of political and social activism. One
thing is certain: the Brazilian government can no longer
rule by dictate or from the top down, whatever it may
have promised the IMF.
How
successfully these two Brazils work out their collective
future will be one of the most dramatic stories of coming
months, and not only for Brazil. Failure in this South
American giant will profoundly affect the reforms under
way throughout Latin America as well as the assumptions
on which the new international economic order has been
founded. It is precisely for this reason that U.S. treasury
secretary Robert Rubin declared that Brazil is "too
big to be allowed to fail."
Brazil
for many foreigners is still the land of the bossa nova
and "The Girl from Ipanema," but Brazilians
themselves are becoming irritated with their country's
willful folkloric self-image as forever young, bronzed,
and beach bound, oblivious to the past and giddily committed
to a future as ephemeral as the country's torrid telenovelas.
Antonio Carlos Jobim, author of that great lyrical celebration
of Ipanema beach and the graceful passing beauty of
its denizens, once said that Brazil is "not for
beginners." And he was right.
Brazilians
still want to have fun, to be sure, and no one is proposing
the abolition of Carnival. Yet as Brazil has embraced
democracy over the past decade, bringing new voices
into the political and social arenas, Brazilians are
beginning to recognize that getting to the future involves
understanding the past.
This
new concern with history is reflected in the recent
vogue for restoring colonial architecture--some of the
most extraordinary examples in the Americas--which was
once allowed to rot or was simply swept away to make
room for modern buildings. In Bahia and São Luis
in Maranhão, splendid baroque churches and 18th-century
townhouses have been magnificently restored; old forts
and ruins of Jesuit missions along the southern frontier
have become popular tourist attractions. But these buildings
are artifacts of the traditional Brazilian history,
while the past that Brazil is rediscovering is replete
with contradictions.
Brazil's
transition to national independence in 1822, unlike
that of its Spanish American neighbors, preserved great
continuity in institutions--the military, the law, and
administration. It was led, after all, by the eldest
son of the Portuguese monarch, who promptly named himself
Emperor Pedro I. Portuguese America, unlike its Spanish-speaking
neighbors, also avoided fragmentation into numerous
new republics. Independent Brazil emerged as a monarchy
with its huge territory intact. The state as it developed
was, as a consequence, highly centralizing, and the
national mythology it spawned depicted the country as
a product almost exclusively of the coastal Portuguese
and the imperial inheritance.
But
today Brazilians are learning a new history. It brings
into focus the unruly Brazil of the escaped slaves who
held out for decades in the backlands of what is today
the state of Alagoas against the Portuguese in the 17th
century; the bloody uprisings in the Amazon, Pernambuco,
and the southern borderlands of Rio Grande do Sul against
the Brazilian empire in the early 19th century; and
the extraordinary messianic communities of the semiarid
interior of Bahia brutally suppressed a century ago
and immortalized by the great Brazilian essayist Euclides
da Cunha in his Rebellion in the Backlands, and more
recently by the Peruvian novelist Mario Vargas Llosa
in his War at the End of the World. The historian Laura
de Mello e Sousa calls this the Brazil of the "unclassified
ones"--the majority of the Brazilian population,
neither white nor black, neither slave master nor slave
in origin, not landowners but squatters and small holders,
not only Portuguese but Italians, Germans, Japanese,
Arabs, and Jews, as well as mestizos, mulattos, Indians,
and Africans, not only bankers but small entrepreneurs
and shopkeepers, not just bishops but African orixás
and Pentecostal pastors.
The
recognition of the "unclassified ones" has
been accompanied by the emergence of movements among
the landless, the indigenous peoples, industrial workers,
Protestants, and others. African Brazilians are perhaps
the most important group now finding a political voice.
For centuries, they retained a resilient pluralistic
religious and cultural presence at the core of Brazilian
society, but one barely recognized in the corridors
of elite power until very recently. São Paulo
elected its first black mayor, Celso Pitta, in 1996,
and President Cardoso brought Edson Arantes do Nascimento,
universally known as Pelé, the great Brazilian
soccer star, into his cabinet as minister of sport.
The new vice governor of Rio de Janeiro, Benedita da
Silva, is an African Brazilian born in a Rio favela
(shantytown). As more Afro-Brazilians have moved into
the middle class, black faces have also appeared more
regularly in advertisements and the press.
Brazil's
rediscovery of history challenges above all the peculiar
legacy that has since the 18th century allowed the country's
rulers to graft the imperative of authoritarianism onto
their vision of the future. It was this mindset that
made the French positivists so attractive to the military
officers who overthrew the monarchy in 1889, and to
the generals who seized control in 1964. It is perfectly
summed up in the motto emblazoned across Brazil's national
flag: Ordem e Progresso (Order and Progress). Democracy
in Brazil has all too often been seen as the enemy of
progress, the harbinger of anarchy, disunion, and backwardness.
That, it seems clear, will no longer do.
Brazil's
transformation grows in part out of its recent prosperity.
When I first came to Rio de Janeiro as a student in
the mid-1960s, the country was still largely rural,
with short life expectancy, large families, low per
capita income, and a high illiteracy rate. By the 1990s,
Brazil, with a population of more than 160 million,
had become one of the world's largest economies, with
a per capita income of more than $5,000. Family size
had dropped dramatically, from six children per family
in the 1970s to 2.5 in the mid-1990s. It had become
a largely urban country. Brazil's two million cars in
1970 had grown in number to 26 million, its TV sets
from four million to 31 million. Infant mortality had
decreased from 118 per 1,000 in 1970 to 17 per 1,000,
and illiteracy has greatly diminished.
Today
the Brazilian states of São Paulo and Rio Grande
do Sul, if they stood alone, would be numbered among
the richest 45 nations on earth. The economy of Rio
Grande do Sul, the southernmost state, abutting Argentina
and Uruguay, was built on European immigration and cattle.
The state of São Paulo has a gross national product
larger than Argentina's, and São Paulo City is
a megalopolis with a population of 15 million and a
vibrant financial, cultural, and business life; the
state-supported university of São Paulo is a
world-class institution. Like several of Brazil's larger
cities, São Paulo has a lively press; dailies
such as the Folha de São Paulo, the grand old
Estado de São Paulo, and the business-oriented
Gazeta Mercantil are as articulate, critical, and influential
as any quality newspaper in Europe or North America.
Brazil also boasts one of the world's most successful
television networks, TVGlobo, and one of its most aggressive
publishing empires, Editora Abril, proprietor of the
mass-circulation newsweekly Veja, which reaches more
than four million readers, all of them full-fledged
members of the emerging global consumer order.
A
large segment of the population, perhaps 40 million
people, however, remains in poverty, with incomes below
$50 a month. Brazil's income disparities are among the
worst in the world. The most impoverished 20 percent
of Brazilians receive a mere two percent of the national
wealth, while the richest 20 percent receive 60 percent.
Festering shantytowns surround the large urban centers,
and Rio's favelas are especially notorious for crime
and violence. This is the Brazil of half-starved children
playing outside makeshift shacks in dusty northeastern
villages and smudge-faced urchins knocked out by glue
sniffing, huddled together under benches in São
Paulo's principal downtown squares. But extreme poverty
is now concentrated in the semiarid Northeast of Brazil,
where drought and disease have long been curses of biblical
dimensions. Both were greatly aggravated in 1998 by
the effects of El Ninõ. Brazilians are proud
to call themselves a racial as well as a political democracy,
and are irritated when scholars and activists point
out that poverty is disproportionately concentrated
among the Afro-Brazilian population. In fact, whites
on average earn two-and-a-half times as much as blacks.
As veteran Brazil watcher Ronald Schneider notes, out
of 14,000 priests, 378 bishops and archbishops, and
seven cardinals, the Brazilian Catholic Church has only
200 nonwhite priests. Similar disproportions can be
seen in Brazil's diplomatic service and military officer
corps.
Nevertheless,
the poor have seen their lives improve over the past
decade, with large numbers of people moving up from
the bottom ranks of society into the emerging middle
class. The credit for this change belongs to Cardoso's
Real Plan, introduced in 1994 while he was finance minister
under President Itamar Franco. Confronted with economic
chaos and feverish inflation, Cardoso created a new
currency, the real, linked to the U.S. dollar, with
its value pegged to permit only minimal depreciation.
Inflation plunged from more than 2000 percent annually
to single digits, with instant tonic effects felt throughout
the country.
Suddenly,
as the currency stabilized, Brazilians had money to
spend for refrigerators, televisions, and clothing.
Analysts looking at consumer trends over the past six
years reckon that some 19 million people have moved
from basic subsistence into the lower level of the Brazilian
middle class, which today embraces some 58 million people.
Those who remained poor benefited as well, finding more
money in their pockets for meat, chicken, eggs, corn,
and beans. Their income increased by 30 percent during
1995-96 alone.
In
earlier decades, poverty pushed millions of Brazilians
from the hinterlands into São Paulo and Rio de
Janeiro and out into the frontier on the western fringes
of the Amazon basin. During the 1990s, prosperity allowed
many of the smaller cities in the interior of Brazil
to flourish, attracting some five million mostly middle-class
people searching for a better quality of life.
The
spread of prosperity and population over the face of
Brazil have made it both a more homogenous and a more
complex society. For four-and-a-half centuries, most
of Brazil's population remained around key seaports
close to the zones where sugar, cotton, cacao, coffee,
and other major export commodities are grown. Brazil's
first historian, Friar Vicente do Salvador, writing
in 1627, said that the Portuguese settlers and their
African slaves "scratched at the seacoast like
crabs." The first Europeans to penetrate the vast
interior were intrepid missionaries, explorers, and
ruthless Portuguese frontiersmen traveling up the Amazon
River and the tributaries that run south into the La
Plata basin. This huge geographical area, larger than
the contiguous United States, remained for centuries
a hollow frontier, incorporating vast unexplored territories
and many thousands of indigenous peoples unknown to
the Portuguese governors and viceroys who ruled until
1808, or to the Portuguese monarchs who held court in
Rio de Janeiro between 1808 and 1821, or to the Brazilian
emperors Pedro I and Pedro II, who succeeded them after
the declaration of Brazil's independence from Portugal
in 1822, or to the generals and civilian politicians
who established the United States of Brazil in 1889.
Yet
slowly and inexorably the hollow frontier was filled
in, as cattle ranchers moved inland from the coast and
squatters established themselves between the plantation-dominated
littoral and the backlands. These independent-minded
mixed-race families lived largely outside the juridical
formulas that elsewhere defined and contained both Portuguese
masters and African slaves, but they helped root Brazilian
society in the Brazilian landscape.
In
the 18th century, the first great modern gold rush brought
European settlers, slaves, and, belatedly, government,
into the mountainous interior of what is today the state
of Minas Gerais. Today the spectacular churches and
mountain towns they constructed are among Brazil's most
precious colonial heritage; here the magnificently carved
figures of the Apostles by the crippled mulatto sculptor
Aleijadinho stand as marvels of this age of extravagance
and piety. In the 19th century, large-scale coffee bean
plantations were developed in São Paulo and Paraná
in the south, reviving the demand for African slaves.
After the abolition of slavery in 1888, immigrant laborers
poured in from Italy and southern Germany, joined in
the 1920s by newcomers from Japan. By the early 20th
century, a cotton textile industry was established in
São Paulo, augmented in the 1960s by steel and
automobile industries, creating an industrial urban
working class and a powerful business elite.
Both
civilian and military rulers saw the development of
the interior as the means to Brazil's future greatness.
In the late 1950s, President Juscelino Kubitschek forced
through the extraordinary plans for the futuristic new
capital and federal district of Brasília, set
down like a spaceship on the largely uninhabited high
plateau of Goiana in the center-west of the country.
Modernistic bowls, towers, and upturned cups contained
the Congress and its functionaries, dwarfed against
a backdrop of enormous sky and red earth. Soon thereafter,
the generals who ousted Kubitschek's successor, President
João Goulart, and established one of Latin America's
longest-lived military regimes (1964-85), embarked on
a series of grandiose schemes to develop the Amazon.
Ignoring the established river-based lifelines, they
drove roads straight through the tropical rainforest
and built huge dams to tame the Amazon's tributaries
and flood the river plains, often with disastrous ecological
consequences. The highways brought with them economic
exploitation and its predictable companions, greedy
speculators and corrupt and callous bureaucrats, as
well as a plague of infectious diseases. The forced
contact with the outside world was disastrous for the
remaining 250,000 Brazilian Indians, the majority living
in the Amazon forests. The long-isolated Yanomami were
hard hit with malaria as 10,000 prospectors invaded
their territory in the late 1980s.
The
military regime also poured money into the expansion
of higher education, substituting more pragmatic American
approaches for the old French-influenced disciplines
that had produced Cardoso and other scholars. But this
only created a new generation enamored of democracy
as well as technology. Purging and exiling Cardoso (who
was seen as a dangerous Marxist despite the fact that
he was the son and grandson of generals) and other professors
from the University of São Paulo and other major
institutions also had paradoxical consequences. It provoked
U.S. foundations, notably the Ford Foundation, to invest
heavily in a parallel system of private research centers
in Brazil that would later provide a haven and political
base for the democratic opposition.
Meanwhile,
the exiles were welcomed on American campuses. Cardoso,
who lived in Chile, and later in France, became a visiting
professor at the University of California, Berkeley,
and Stanford University, and spent two years at the
Institute for Advanced Study in Princeton, New Jersey,
working closely with that wise and brilliant pragmatist,
the veteran economist and proponent of reform by "muddling
through," Albert O. Hirschman. When he returned
to Brazil in 1970, Cardoso, like many of the other upper-middle-class
exiles of his generation, had become thoroughly cosmopolitan,
skeptical of Marxism, well connected in the wider world,
and thoroughly knowledgeable about the workings of the
U.S. political and economic systems.
Momentous
changes were also taking place at the grassroots within
Brazil. Throughout the late 1970s and early 1980s, trade
unions that had been founded in the 1930s during the
dictatorship of Getúlio Vargas on an Italian
fascist model as syndicates dependent on the state,
shook off government control. Most formidable was the
metalworkers' union in São Paulo. The unions
nourished the emergence of a new Workers' Party (PT)
in 1980 and a National Trade Union Confederation in
1983. Together they provided a base for the charismatic
Luís Inácio da Silva, popularly known
as Lula, who rose through union ranks from the shop
floor and awakened hopes that he would become a Brazilian
Lech Walesa. He has run three times unsuccessfully for
the presidency, most recently in October 1998.
The
Workers' Party thrives nevertheless, especially in the
industrialized south of Brazil, and in the 1998 election
gained control of the important governorship of Rio
Grande do Sul with the election of PT candidate Olívio
Dutra. But the organization of workers was not restricted
to the industrial zones. Threatened by the encroachment
of cattle ranchers and loggers, rubber tappers on the
Amazon frontier began to mobilize in the 1980s to protect
their livelihood. Like the metalworkers in São
Paulo, these poor workmen produced a formidable grassroots
leader from among their ranks, Chico Mendes. His rubber
tappers' organization linked up with Brazilian social
activists and international environmental groups to
pressure the Brazilian government for recognition of
their grievances and to carve out ecological reserves
to protect the forests on which their way of life depended.
They also developed critical networks of international
supporters in Europe and the United States who were
able to pressure international lending agencies such
as the Inter-American Development Bank and the World
Bank into incorporating ecological concerns into their
decisions about loans to Brazil.
The
indigenous communities, facing a life-and-death struggle
for survival as the outside world pressed in on their
remaining refuges in the Amazon basin, also found a
voice during the 1980s. With the support of international
organizations such as the Cambridge, Massachusetts-based
Survival International, tribes such as the Kayapó
and Xavante pressed for recognition and protection against
the freelance gold prospectors who were invading their
forests and polluting their rivers with deadly mercury.
A Xavante chief, Marío Jaruna was elected as
federal deputy and Ailton Kremak of the Kayapó
became well known in Brasília and among the international
human rights networks.
While
the hierarchy of the Catholic Church was divided on
its approach to political activism, grassroots clergy
strongly influenced by liberation theology provided
organizational support to Brazil's many new reform movements.
Protestant fundamentalists have also emerged as a force
in the Brazilian social and religious landscape. Small,
impeccable, white Pentecostal meeting houses now dot
the landscape. The Universal Church of the Kingdom of
God, founded in 1977 by a Pentecostal pastor, Edir Macedo,
claims more than 3.5 million members and receives more
than $700 million in annual donations. It owns Brazil's
third largest TV network and 30 radio stations. As it
is often said in Brazil: "Catholics opted for the
poor; the poor opted for the evangelicals."
Many
Protestant converts come from the lower levels of the
new urban middle class. Protestant evangelicals practice
a faith of personal salvation and promote a frugal lifestyle
emphasizing thrift and family. They are seen as a conservative
force; at the local level, however, their organizations
have quickly shifted to municipal activism, seeking
improved water supplies and better services, which has
propelled them increasingly into politics. The evangelicals
have a caucus of 35 deputies in the Brazilian Congress,
and an evangelical bishop in Rio de Janeiro, Carlos
Rodrigues, received a huge vote in the recent congressional
elections. The new governor of the state of Rio, Anthony
Garotinho, is also an evangelical. Responding to the
Evangelical challenge, the Catholic church in Brazil
is now encouraging a powerful charismatic movement that
is galvanizing many of the faithful in Brazil's cities.
The charismatics, like the evangelicals, place a strong
emphasis on family values, but they, like the Catholic
hierarchy, are also critical of the harshness of Brazil's
capitalist system.
Most
threatening to Brazil's political elite and to its large
rural landowners in particular has been the emergence
of a powerful rural movement of the landless. Founded
in Rio Grande do Sul in the mid-1980s, the Movimento
dos Trabalhadores Rurais Sem Terra (Movement of Landless
Rural Workers, MST) now has some 500,000 members, including
all sorts of people from the margins of Brazilian society:
the unemployed, migrant agricultural workers, the illiterate,
slum dwellers, all people the traditional Left believed
it was impossible to organize, stimulated by Brazil's
total failure for centuries to break the power of the
great latifundios and bring about any meaningful land
distribution. Less than one percent of farms, all over
500 acres in dimension, account for 40 percent of all
occupied farmlands in Brazil. The movement was also
energized by the expulsion of many small holders from
their plots, especially in Rio Grande do Sul, Paraná,
and Santa Catarina, by the mechanization of large-scale
soya and wheat production in the 1980s. The MST is now
the largest and best-organized social movement in Latin
America, with successful cooperatives, a Web site, and
extensive international contacts. Its members often
take the law into their own hands, invading properties
and setting up squatter settlements, sacking warehouses
to obtain food, and challenging landowners. Almost as
often they provoke violent reactions from fazendeiros
(large landowners), local police, and hired gunmen.
What
the MST seeks is access to land and the breakup of the
large estates, many of which remain undeveloped and
unproductive, or are held for tax purposes or to draw
government subsidies. Its ideology is an eclectic mix
of revolutionary socialism and Catholic activism, as
befits an organization built in large part by itinerant
priests. Its most prominent leader is an economist named
João Pedro Stédile, who did post-graduate
work in Mexico and takes inspiration from the Mexican
Zapatistas. He argues that the Brazilian elite is too
"subservient to foreign interests"--an obvious
swipe at the IMF and the forces of global capitalism
as well as the former dependentista now lodged in the
futuristic presidential palace in Brasília.
Finally
there is the Brazilian environmental movement, composed
of some 800 organizations stirred into being by the
uncontrolled destruction of the Amazon rain forest,
ecological disasters in the grotesquely polluted chemical
complex at Cubatão in São Paulo state,
and rampant encroachment on the remnants of the once
lush Atlantic forests.
In
1998 forest fires in the Amazon region, aggravated by
the impact of El Ninõ, were the worst on record,
but the Cardoso administration did little to respond
until the extent of the catastrophe became difficult
to hide. The devastating drought in the Northeast, another
predicatable consequence of El Ninõ, also received
scant attention until famished peasants organized by
the MST raided warehouses and occupied bank agencies
and police stations. This finally caught the attention
of the indifferent bureaucrats in the surreal world
of Brasília, preoccupied with the purchase of
expensive Oriental carpets for their offices so that
"foreign visitors could be more elegantly received,"
as a spokesman for the minister of communication explained
to the New York Times. Not surprisingly, all these movements
strike a raw chord with the "owners of power,"
as the brilliant Brazilian lawyer and social critic
Raymundo Faoro so aptly put it. Owing to the overseas
support the environmental movement receives, the Brazilian
military views it as a pawn of foreign interests, part
of a thinly disguised effort by the United States to
take the Amazon away from Brazil. The military intelligence
network closely monitors the activities of the MST,
and Cardoso's ministers dismiss the movement as "enemies
of modernity." It was similar attitudes that a
hundred years ago led to the repression and slaughter
in the backlands so brilliantly immortalized by Euclides
da Cunha and Vargas Llosa.
The
great 20th-century Brazilian historian Sergio Buarque
de Hollanda defined a Brazilian as a "cordial"
individual, and Brazilians are like their president,
people of great and infectious charm. But where politics
and social conflicts meet, their country can be a very
violent place. It has many martyrs to prove it, among
them Chico Mendes, gunned down in 1988 by cattle ranchers
threatened by his rubber tappers' movement. More than
a thousand labor leaders and grassroots peasant activists
have been assassinated in Brazil since the mid-1980s.
In much of the country the murderers of activists act
with impunity. In November 1998, Miguel Pereira de Melo,
the crusading Brazilian photojournalist, was killed
by gunmen. He had recorded the 1996 massacre of landless
peasants by military police and was about to testify
at the trial of those officers.
The
subtler obstacles to pluralism may prove the hardest
to overcome. Reform will require changing an oligarchic
style of politics and an entrenched bureaucracy that
have both skillfully deflected challenges for centuries.
Indeed, the deals made to bring about the transition
from military to civilian rule during the 1980s guaranteed
the persistence in power of many old-line politicians,
including pre-eminently the powerful Bahia political
boss, former state governor, and current president of
the Senate, Antonio Carlos Magalhães. ACM, as
he is universally known, is a gregarious, tough, and
single-minded political operator who proudly professes
his admiration for Napoleon. Today he is more influential
than ever, a pivotal figure in the coalition that supports
President Cardoso--an odd but very Brazilian twist of
fate since Cardoso was precisely the sort of upper-class
intellectual that Magalhães and other power brokers
under the military regimes of the past most distrusted.
The
bosses and bureaucrats have plenty to protect. The welfare
and pension system, for example, does virtually nothing
for the poorer workers but vastly benefits state functionaries.
In 1996, Brazil had 29 four-star generals on active
duty and 5,000 people drawing generous pension checks
at the four-star level, including far-flung relatives
of dead and retired officers.
Brazil's
formal political structure also makes reform excruciatingly
difficult. It has 27 state governors and more than 5,500
municipal mayors (prefeitos), many of whom have run
up massive deficits which by tradition the federal government
is expected to cover. The 1988 constitution obliges
the central government to transfer a large share of
tax revenues to the state governments and municipalities
but without a commensurate shift of responsibility for
government programs. The idea was to devolve power and
encourage democracy. The result was to strengthen parochial
interests and the local political bosses. These problems
were aggravated by the Real Plan's success, since, during
the years of high inflation, government deficits had
miraculously disappeared as delayed payments wiped out
obligations. But after 1994 such flimflams no longer
worked, as money retained its value. The opening of
the economy and the stabilization of the currency had
some perverse effects as well. Many industrial workers
were displaced as imports flooded the consumer market.
Not only did the service sector expand, but many industrial
workers were forced into the informal sector. Subsequently,
unemployment increased dramatically.
Cardoso
hoped to pass a half-dozen ambitious reform measures
during his first term--from cutting public payrolls
to rewriting tax laws--and, not surprisingly, all fell
victim to constant dilution and delays. His major success,
altering the constitution to allow for his own re-election,
was bought at the high cost of also allowing state and
local political bosses to run for re-election. They
promptly opened the spending spigots to ensure victory
at the polls, swelling public-sector debt to more than
$300 billion in early 1998 and leaving Brazil pitifully
vulnerable when the international crisis hit.
President
Cardoso will find it difficult to deliver on his promises
to the IMF. Arrayed against him will be both the old
corporatist interests, eager to protect the past and
their own privileges, and the newly assertive groups
such as the MST, which disagree with the path chosen
for the future.
Cardoso's
popularity, though great enough to secure him a clear
majority in last October's election, is based almost
entirely on the success of the Real Plan. He views himself
as a man of the Center-Left, an adherent of the new
"third way" of Bill Clinton and Tony Blair,
but is perceived by the public as being a political
leader decisively of the Center-Right, the friend of
bankers, industrialists, civil servants, and politicians
rather than workers and the landless. As the realities
of IMF-imposed austerity begin to hit home--Brazil's
economy was already shrinking by the end of 1998--Cardoso
may find his popular support waning. He has consciously
steered away from the heady rhetoric of populism, avoided
demagoguery, and preferred persuasion and compromise
to executive decree, but the next year may well test
his resolve.
Lula
lost the 1998 election in part because he chose to attack
the Real Plan. But the 1998 elections also saw the emergence
of middle-class Workers' Party leaders who spoke a language
closer to that of the new social democrats of Europe,
consciously avoiding the radical rhetoric of the shop
floor. These Workers' Party representatives in Congress
are likely to provide solid opposition to Cardoso's
IMF-inspired policies over the next year. The center-left
political allies within Cardoso's own political family
also risk being alienated by his orthodox economic retrenchment,
which will cut deeply into the social programs Brazil
so desperately needs. Nor will the president find support
from powerful governors among whom he will find fewer
friends than during his first term, especially since
they will be forced to bear the brunt of the budget
cuts. Particularly troublesome will be the newly elected
governor of the important state of Minas Gerais, the
former president Itamar Franco, under whom, as finance
minister, Cardoso implemented the Real Plan. The erratic
Franco is still deeply resentful that Cardoso and not
he got all the credit. Nor will the protests of landless
rural workers go away. Stédile in particular
makes no secret of his desire to "finish off the
neoliberal model."
It
is ironic that in the charged international economic
climate in which Fernando Henrique Cardoso begins his
second term as president, the protection of the Real
Plan, by plunging Brazil into recession, now poses the
greatest threat to the benefits it brought to many Brazilians.
Yet posing one of the greatest challenges to the IMF-mandated
program to satisfy the international markets are groups
and forces within Brazil that barely existed before
political and economic liberalization began a decade
ago. The travails of the Brazilian economy--no matter
where they lead--should not obscure the significant
success story the rise of these new voices represents.
Reprinted
from the Winter 1999 Wilson Quarterly
This
article may not be resold, reprinted, or redistributed
for compensation of any kind without prior written permission
from the author. For further reprint information, please
contact Permissions, The Wilson Quarterly, One Woodrow
Wilson Plaza, 1300 Pennsylvania Avenue, NW, Washington,
D.C. 20004-3027 (202-691-4200).
Presented
here with the author's permission
|