ˆAHRBAÚNU. According to the beliefs of the Shi¿ites, in particular the Twelvers or Imamis, but also of a substantial number of Sunnis, the principal wife of the third Imam, Háosayn b. ¿Ali (q.v.) and the mother of the fourth Imam¿Ali b. Háosayn b. ¿Ali Zayn al-¿AÚbedin (q.v.), was the daughter of Yazdgerd III (r. 632-51), the last Sasanian king, a princess whose principal name is ˆahrba@nu (literally: "Lady of the Land," i.e. of Persia). Consequently, the lineage of Imams, from the fourth to twelfth and final, would be her progeny. The personality of this saintly figure, especially revered in Persia, seems noteworthy and important in relationships that link Imami Shi¿ism to pre-Islamic Persia. Although undeniably legendary, the Sasanian princess, "mother of the Imams", would have played a significant role in the transmission of religious ideas in Persia (regarding the subject in general, see Amir-Moezzi 2002a and 2002b).

Genesis and development of the legend of ˆahrba@nu. According to the oldest sources that have come down to us, the historic mother of the fourth Imam was not much of a princess. Ebn Sa¿d (d. 844-45) and Ebn Qotayba (d. 889) describe her as a slave, originally from Sindh, called GÚaza@la and/or Sola@fa (Ebn Sa¿d V, p. 211; Ebn Qotayba, pp. 214-15). Neither do any of the scholars of ancient history that have chronicled, at times with great attention to detail, the invasion of Persia by Muslim troops and the fate of the last Sasanian sovereign and her family, establish any relationship between the wife of Imam Háosayn and one of the daughters of Yazdgerd III (Bala@dòori 1866, pp. 262 ff.; idem 1974, pp. 102-103 and 146; Táabari I, 1879-1901, p. 2887 = Táabari IV 1960, p. 302; Ebn ¿Abd Rabbeh III, pp. 103 ff.). The same is true for a wide range of sources and authors quite different from each other, such as Keta@b al-k¨araj by the Hanafite judge Abu Yusof (d. 798) and the ˆa@h-na@ma of the pro-Shi¿ite Ferdowsi (q.v., d. 1019) both of whom, though surely for very different reasons, took an interest in the destiny of the last king of Sasanian Persia and his descendants (Abu Yusof, p. 30; Ferdowsi IX, pp. 358 ff.).

In his al-Ka@mel, the philologist Mobarrad (d. 900) seems to have been one of the very first to state that Sola@fa, the mother of ¿Ali Zayn al-¿AÚbedin, was the daughter of Yazdgerd. He strongly emphasises the nobility of the woman and, in general, the grandeur of the Persians (Mobarrad II, pp. 645-66). However, his contemporary, Abu Háanifa Dinavari (d. ca. 895) only casts the daughter of "Kesra@" as a captive in the presence of ¿Ali, during his caliphate (656-61), refusing the latter's offer to marry his elder son Háasan. The account does not even mention Imam Háosayn. ¿Ali thus liberates the princess, granting her total freedom (Dinavari, p. 163). The nobility and pride of the Persian princess as well as her complicity with ¿Ali are henceforth to become quite regular themes of the account in its different versions as it develops. During the same period, the chronicler Ya¿qubi (d. 904) and the heresiographers Háasan b. Musa@ Nowbakòti and Sa¿d b. ¿Abd-Alla@h (both d. ca. 912-13) are among the first Shi¿ites to allude in passing to the fact that the mother of Imam Zayn al-¿AÚbedin was the daughter of the last Sasanian king (Ya¿qubi II, pp. 246-47 and 303; Nowbakòti, p. 53; Aæ¿ari, p. 70). In the second half of the 9th century, Sáaffa@r Qomi (d. 902-903) delivers a long and detailed version of the account, containing especially striking details, in the form of a Hadith or saying attributed to the fifth Imam Moháammad Ba@qer: under the second caliph 'Omar (r. 634-44), the daughter of the last Sasanian king is brought captive to Medina. Light radiating from the visage of the princess illuminates the Prophet's mosque where the caliph presides. An invocation in Persian by the Princess provokes the ruler's temper. ¿Ali intervenes in favour of the young princess and makes it clear to 'Omar that events unfolding are beyond his understanding and that he should step aside. ¿Ali then authorises the princess, with whom he speaks in Persian, to freely choose her husband. The chosen one is Háosayn to whom ¿Ali announces the good news that the young woman will be the mother of his child, i.e. the next Imam (Sáaffa@r, p. 335, no. 8). Sáaffa@r's account contains some noteworthy details: it is the first time that the account is presented in the form of an Imam's Hadith, thus rendering it a sacred quality. It will subsequently become the first account in which the Persian princess is called ˆahrba@nu (and also Jaha@næa@h, literally, "king of the world").

The Persian dimension as a result of Persian used for the first time in the midst of a text in Arabic, as well as the royalty are greatly magnified, still much more noticeably than in Mobarrad. The "Persianism" is magnified even more so than in Mobarrad both in terms of royalty and language (Persian is used for the first time in the midst of a text in Arabic). The most important point of course is the role ascribed to ¿Ali: protection of the princess and perfect complicity with her; the fact that he speaks her language and insists upon her freedom and nobility of rank, his violent reaction towards 'Omar, making him understand that he is not up to the situation, prediction of the birth of the future imam ... all fully justify for a Shi¿ite believer the mention of light of glory (kòúarenah/kòúarr(ah)/farr(ah), q.v.) (Gnoli 1962; Duchesne-Guillemin 1979) that the princess bears as well as the fact that this light could even illuminate the Prophet's mosque where the caliph of the Muslims resides. This fact acquires its fullest significance when one takes into consideration the key importance of the light of Divine Alliance (nur al-wala@ya) in Imamism (Amir-Moezzi 1992, pp.75-112). Thus, from Imam Zayn al-¿AÚbedin onwards, the Shi¿ite Imams will be the bearers of a two-fold light: that of wala@ya from ¿Ali and Fa@táema (thus of Moháammad) and the glorious light from the ancient kings of Persia, as transmitted by ˆahrba@nu.

From the 10th to the 12th century, several Persian authors will reprise and at times considerably develop elements from the Hadith reported by Sáaffa@r Qomi. Understandably, most of them are Persians and Imami Shi¿ite traditionists such as Moháammad b. Ya¿qub Kolayni (d. 940), Abu Ja¿far Ebn Rostam Táabari (fl. 11th cent.), Qotáb-al-Din Ra@vandi (d. 1177-78) or Ebn ˆahra@æub Ma@zandara@ni (d. 1192), but one also finds Sunni "homme de lettre" such as Kayka@us b. Eskandar b. Qa@bus (fl. 11th cent.), author of Qa@bus-na@ma (see bibliography). Among some authors, the dialogue in Persian between ¿Ali and ˆahrba@nu becomes much longer; at the same time, the nobility, wisdom and liberty of the princess, more frequently compared to Fa@táema (q.v.) is emphatically noted. Again, by means of the Persian language and the grandeur of royal Persian ancestry the "Persianism" is magnified. However, the gradual emergence of this version does not prevent the development of other slightly different versions. In some accounts, the role of the princess is split into two parts. For example, in the Et¯ba@t al-wasáiya, attributed to Mas¿udi (d. 956-57), the story takes place under the caliphate of 'Omar and in this case two daughters of Yazdgerd are given in marriage, with ¿Ali's consent no doubt, to his sons: Háasan marries ˆahrba@nu and Háosayn weds Jaha@næa@h (Pseudo?-Mas¿udi, p. 170). In Shaykh Mofid's (d. 1022) account, under ¿Ali's caliphate, the elder daughter of the Persian king, here named æa@h-e zana@n (lit.: "king of ladies" cf. the title of Fa@táema, sayyedat al-nesa@÷) marries Háosayn, while a second unnamed daughter is given in marriage to the son of Abu Bakr, Moháammad (Mofid, pp. 137-38). Finally, let us cite the account narrated by Mofid's master, the famous Ebn Ba@buya (Ebn Ba@bawayh, q.v.), known as Shaykh Sáaduq, (d. 991) who in his ¿Oyun akba@r al-Rezµa@, relates a Hadith going back to the eighth Imam ¿Ali Rezµa@ in which the latter, finding himself in Khorasan as inheritor to the ¿Abbasid caliph Ma÷mun (r. 813-33), confirms the link that exists between the Imams and the Persians. As proof, he tells the story of the capture, under the reign of ¿Ot¯ma@n, of the two daughters of Yazdgerd and their marriage to the Imams Háasan and Háosayn. According to this account, both women are said to die while in labour, notably the wife of Háosayn who passes away after giving birth to Imam Zayn al-¿AÚbedin (Ebn Ba@buya, chap. 35, no. 6, II, p. 128). Further on, we will return to the importance of this relationship from a historical point of view.

Thus, at least in its literary written versions, the legend of ˆahrba@nu will have attained its fullest scope from the 9th to the 12th century. Writers of later periods, whether Imami or not, to this day will do no more than reproduce many of the accounts that have just been presented (for these sources, Amir-Moezzi, 2002a, p. 511 and n. 49). As we will see further on, the oral version of the legend, circulated by popular beliefs, evolved quite differently.

The origin and date of the legend. The mother of ¿Ali b. Háosayn Zayn al-¿AÚbedin, who is also known as ¿Ali Aság@ar, is said to have been an oriental woman slave, most likely of Persian origin. Háosayn b. ¿Ali, her master and subsequently her husband would have named her Sola@fa and/or GÚaza@la. Once an adult, ¿Ali Aság@ar would have manumitted his mother, now a widow, and given her in marriage to a "client" of his father. We now surely have almost all of the elements most likely historic, regarding her drawn from historiographical reports that appear non-biased. We have seen how, from the 9th century onwards, a number of accounts were circulated, especially in the Persian Imamite milieu, according to which the mother of Imam Zayn al-¿AÚbedin was the daughter of Yazdgerd III. Let us attempt to determine why such a legend developed.

All the specialists of Sasanian history, from Darmesteter (q.v.) to Christensen, not to mention Nöldeke or Spuler, unanimously state that no immediate member of the Sasanian king was captured by Muslim troops for the simple reason that, according to a number of Islamic sources in agreement, the royal family had been evacuated from the capital Ctesiphon well before the Arab invasion (Maækur, II, pp. 1288 ff. and 1344 ff.; Háasáuri, passim). Moreover, important sources from the China of the T'ang dynasty (r. 618-907) regarding the Arab conquest of Persia, also remain silent about an eventual captivity of one of the members of the family of Yazdgerd III (Marquart, pp. 68-69; Chavannes, pp. 171-73; Hoyland, pp. 243 ff.). However, some oft-repeated elements of recurring versions of the history of ˆahrba@nu seem to have been inspired by certain historical facts. For example, it is not entirely impossible that the association of a noble Iranian woman, captured after the seizure of the Sasanian capital, reduced to slavery and named GÚaza@la by her masters, given in marriage to an Arab noble, would have been aroused by the fact that ¿Ot¯ma@n, one of the sons of the wealthy Companion of the Prophet¿Abd-al-Raháma@n b. ¿Awf had as a mother a certain G@Úaza@l bt. Kesra@, reduced to slavery at the time of the conquest of Ctesiphon (q.v.)/Mada@÷en by Sa¿d b. Abi Waqqa@sá (Ebn Sa¿d, III, p. 128). In addition, some historiographic accounts report the capture and reduction to slavery of a descendant (not the daughter) of Yazdgerd III under the caliphate of the Omayyad Walid b. ¿Abd-al-Malek (r. 705-15). The young woman, captured in northern Khorasan, is said to have been sent to the governor Háajja@j b. Yusof (d. 714), who in turn would have offered her to the caliph. She gave birth to Yazid b. Walid "al-Na@qesá" or Yazid III (r. 744), and perhaps also to Ebra@him b. Walid (Táabari I, p. 2873 and II, pp. 1247 and 1874).

Having provided these technical details, let us examine what constitutes the essence of the legend in its most recurrent versions. A Sasanian princess, bearer of the light of glory of the kings of Persia, arrives in Medina. Challenging the caliph ¿Omar, supported by ¿Ali and speaking in Persian with the latter, she freely chooses Háosayn b. ¿Ali as her husband to give birth to ¿Ali Zayn al-¿AÚbedin and thus became "the Mother of the Imams" that are going to succeed him. The story is obviously highly charged in doctrinal, ethnical and political terms. These two pro-Shi¿ite and pro-Persian tendencies are introduced in such a manner that they seem indisociable. One might even say more precisely that the legend, in its Shi¿ism pertains to the Háosaynid movement and that in its "Persianism", the most popular version seems to have emerged from radical milieu. All of this sounds very much like a challenge to a kind of Sunnite arabo-centrist "orthodoxy". Let us examine things more closely.

The ˆahrba@nu tradition is clearly of Háosaynid persuasion. It is true that, concerned with a kind of balance and still stronger link between Shi¿ites and Persians, some versions cast two Iranian princesses marrying the two Imams Háasan and Háosayn, but at the same time, with regular insistence, it is the wife of Háosayn who is presented as mother of Imams to follow. Let us recall that the legend began to circulate in its different versions only a few decades after the rebellion of the Zaydite Háasanid Moháammad b. ¿Abd-Alla@h al-Nafs al-Zakiya and of Ebra@him, a rebellion which in a very short span seems to have evoked great sympathy, even among the non-Alids, both in the Hejaz as well as in Iraq (Táabari III, p. 189-265; Esáfahani, pp. 260-99 and 354-69; Nagel, passim). Some years later, just after the execution of Amin in 813, another rebellious Zaydite Háasanid Ebn Táaba@táab@a@÷ had proclamed al-Rezµa@ men a@l-e M oháammad "the one from the Family of Moháammad upon which [the Community] agrees," in January 815 in Baghdad itself, supported by the famous Abu ÷l-Sara@ya@, before being killed one month later (Gibb 1960; Scarcia Amoretti). Among other things, did the story of ˆahrba@nu seek to counteract the popularity of the Zaydites and Háasanids, particularly in the Persian and Shi¿ite and assimilated milieu?

There is another important aspect. Ever since Sáaffa@r Qomi's version and until that of Ra@vandi three centuries later (see above), the legend highlights two key elements: the magnificence of Persian royalty (light emanating from the princess, the nobility of her rank, freedom to choose her husband) and the importance of the Persian language (in the dialogue spoken by ¿Ali, who is at the same time the Imam par excellence for the Shi¿ites and unfamiliar to ¿Omar who is at the same time the enemy par excellence for the Shi¿ites). Now, it is known that in the eyes of some, in the first centuries of Islam, it is precisely these two very factors that are considered as formative elements of the Persian identity. One can discern traces of this among such great thinkers as Táabari, Biruni (q.v.), Meskawayh or Ferdowsi (q.v.) (Táabari, I (1), p. 353; Biruni, p. 213; Rosenthal, p. 122). Perhaps it would be anachronistic to speak of "nationalism" among these authors, but it is just as naive to deny the existence among them of a heightened sensibility, if not a real historic conscience of their cultural identity crystallised precisely around a certain perception of royalty and the Persian language (Widengren, passim; Yarshater 1983, passim; idem 1998, pp. 59-74).

The influence exercised by these men of letters and thinkers is far from negligible: here one might bear in mind that non-Persian dynasties such as the Ghaznavids, Saljuqs and Ilkhanids were rapidly to adopt the Persian language and have their origins traced back to the ancient kings of Persia rather than to Turkish heroes or Muslim saints (Levy, pp. 66 ff.; Spuler, pp. 176-77). For almost a century, a number of scholars have attempted to show how some Persian thinkers, ever since the formation of Muslim culture, perceived themselves as the inheritors of a glorious cultural past and due to this as the principal players serving as the final link to the "History of Salvation", i.e. Islam (von Grunebaum, pp. 175 ff.; Morony 1976, pp. 50-55; idem 1982, pp. 81-84). From Grignaschi to de Fouche‚cour, not to mention Shaked or Tafazázáoli (see bibliograpy), many scholars have demonstrated how what Gustave von Grunebaum calls "the Persian Humanities" crystalised around the figure of the King and royal ethics, transmitted to Islamic culture by the "Mirrors for Princes" literature. All that constitutes the finest subtlety of Persian culture, evoked by the terms adab and/or honar, is transmitted by this genre of literature and essentially by the Persian language (Rosenthal, pp. 141-42; Moháammadi Mala@yeri, I and II, passim). The most ardent champions of this Persian cultural identity during the ¿Abbasid period, one knows, were the state secretaries and scribes of Persian origin, the famous kotta@b, many of whom were members of the æo¿ubiya politico-intellectual movement and for whom Ebn Moqaffa÷ (executed around 757) was the emblematic figure (Gibb 1953, passim; Mottahedeh, pp. 180-82; Enderwitz, index s.v. "Shu¿u@biyya"). May one conclude that the ˆahrba@nu tradition emerged in the milieu of pro-æo¿ubi Persians? It is quite possible given that in the 9th century, the very moment this tradition begins to circulate in its various versions, the æo¿ubiya had attained its peak.

Háosaynid Shi¿ism, in opposition to Zaydite Shi¿ism, intellectual "Persianism" and a challenge to pro-Arab Sunni "orthodoxy", for the historian of early Islam all inevitably evoke the atmosphere of the court of Ma÷mun, known as "Son of the Persian woman" at Marv, in Khorasan, precisely when he designated the Shi¿ite Imam of Háosaynid lineage, ¿Ali al-Rezµa@, as his inheritor, in the year 815, by giving him the emblematic title al-Rezµa@ men a@l-e M oháammad, seeking thus to re-establish the alliance between ¿Abbasids, Alids and Persians (Rekaya). In this concern, the tradition related by Ebn Ba@buya in his ¿Oyun (see above) seems implicitly to contain some valuable historical information. First, it seems that the great traditionist of Ray, like many other datas of the same work, had recorded this Hadith in Khorasan. Next, in the body of the Hadith, it is noted that the comments were made by the Imam ¿Ali b. Musa@ al-Rezµa@ when in Khorasan, thus once already designated by Ma÷mun as heir. In the Hadith, the interlocutor of the Imam is a member of the Persian family of Nuæaja@ni whose pro-æo¿ubi sympathies and influence with Ma÷mun seem well established (Amir-Moezzi 2002a, pp. 520-23; idem 2002b, pp. 274-75). In addition, during this period, the two main opponents to Ma÷mun in Baghdad, namely the two sons of the ¿Abbasid caliph Mahdi (r. 775-85), had Persian mothers of very noble anscestry: Mansáur (r. 754-75) was born to the daughter of the last da@buyid esfahbadò (high military officer) of Táabaresta@n and Ebra@him to the daughter of the last masámog@a@n (great Zoroastrian priest) of Dama@vand district (Rekaya). One might therefore quite reasonably conclude that in Ma÷mun's entourage one sought to do even better in terms of his successor ¿Ali b. Musa@ al-Rezµa@ descendant of Ha@æem on his paternal side, had as grandmother, a lady belonging not only to nobility, but to no less than the Persian royal family. Thus the ˆahrba@nu legend would have been developed in the pro-æo¿ubi entourage of Ma÷mun, in Marv, between 815 (year of the proclamation of Imam Rezµa@ as heir of Ma÷mun) and 818 (the year in which pro-Shi¿ite policy was abandoned by Ma÷mun, after the mysterious deaths of Ma÷mun's vizier Fazµl b. Sahl and the Imam Rezµa@).

Oral and popular traditions. In the literary tradition, ˆahrba@nu passes away either upon the birth of her son Zayn al-¿AÚbedin (e.g. in Ebn Ba@buya), or by drowning in the Euphrates having witnessed the massacre of her family at Karbala@÷ (e.g. in Ebn ˆahra@æub). Popular belief decidedly preferred otherwise as if seeking a more glorious death for its princess. In a pioneering study dedicated to popular beliefs regarding ˆahrba@nu, Sayyed Ja¿far ˆahidi presents the most recurrent version of the oral legend of the daughter of Yazdgerd III, here called Bibi (respectable Lady or grandmother) ˆahrba@nu: after the day of ¿AÚæura@÷ (q.v.) Bibi ˆahrba@nu is able to escape, as had predicted her husband, with D¨u ÷l-Jana@há, the horse of the latter. Pursued by her terrifying enemies, she reaches up to the mountain Táabarak, at Ray, in central Iran. Hounded, at the limits of her strength, alone, she invokes God to be delivered from her assailants. At which point, the mountain miraculously opens and offers refuge to the princess. However, a tail of her dress remains wedged in the rock when it closes behind her. A little while later, her pursuers as well as other folk find the fabric in the rock, realise a miracle has occurred and acknowledge ˆahrba@nu as saint. The location will become a sanctuary of the princess, a pilgrimage site to remain so until today (ˆahidi, pp. 186 ff.). An almost identical story is found to be at the source of the Zoroastrian sanctuary of Ba@nu Pa@rs (Lady of Persia), northwest of the plain of Yazd (Soruæia@n, p. 204). More generally, themes such as the escape of Persian nobles (often members of the royal family) from the Arabs and their miraculous rescue by God thanks to elements of nature are frequently appear in foundational legends of Zoroastrian sanctuaries in central or southern Persia (Soruæia@n, pp. 205-11; Strack, I, pp. 119 and 227-28).

According to ˆahidi, as well as the classic study by Karima@n, on the ancient city of Ray, both of which cite the archaelogical work undertaken by Sayyed M.-T. Mosátáafawi, the oldest section of ˆahrba@nu's sanctuary dates to the 15th century, shortly before the Safavid period, era from which point onward, references to sanctuaries indeed become more frequent (ˆahidi, pp. 187-90; Karima@n, I, pp. 403-16). From another point of view, information from Da@ra@b Hormazya@r's Reva@yat (ed. M. R. Unvala, Bombay 1922, II, pp.158-59) shows that the sanctuary of Ba@nu Pa@rs was already active during the 15th and 16th centuries. All this shows that, first, almost independently of the literary tradition, the oral tradition develops and attains its maturity during the centuries noted. Next, it is more than likely that the foundational legends of Zoroastrian sanctuaries had been at the source of the oral legend about ˆahrba@nu and her sanctuary in Ray. Moreover, the existence of an antique Zoroastrian "tower of silence" (dakma) on the same Táabarak mountain, slightly to the north, also corroborates the presence of links between Zoroastrianism and the site. The figure of Bibi ˆahrba@nu and her sanctuary indeed seem to constitute in some measure the continuation of ancient Mazdean beliefs. Moháammad Ebra@him Ba@sta@ni Pa@rizi also takes interest in Bibi ˆahrba@nu in the context of his numerous studies on Persian toponyms including terms meaning "Woman", "Lady", "Princess", "Daughter" etc. (ba@nu, kòa@tun, bibi, doktar) (Ba@sta@ni Pa@rizi, p. 246). By research sifted from archaelogical evidence, literary sources and folkloric accounts, he was able to establish that in almost all cases, locations bearing this kind of name housed a temple and/ or a cult of Ana@hita@, the very popular goddesss of waters and fertility: Ardw^su@r Ana@h^d (see ANAÚH@IÚD) of the Zoroastrian pantheon and, it seems also, "Patron" of the Sasanians (Girshman 1962, p.149; idem 1971, p. 65; but see also the nuances introduced by Chaumont). A few years later, based on a well-documented comparison between foundational legends of Bibi ˆahrba@nu and Ba@nu Pa@rs, Mary Boyce reached the same conclusions as the Iranian scholar (Boyce, 1967 passim). The title Ba@nu (Lady) is the ancient title of Ana@h^d. Ever since the Avesta, the goddess is named Aredvi sura@ ba@nu (Lady of Waters). In Pahlavi texts, but also in inscriptions at Esátáakòr (q.v.) and Paikuli, the titles ba@nu or a@ba@n ba@nu are associated with Ana@h^d, Ardw^su@r or Ardw^su@r Amæa@sfand (Boyce 1967, pp. 36-37). Although no trace of a pre-Islamic monument had been found at Bibi ˆahrba@nu, citing Herodotus as supporting evidence, M. Boyce believes that a simple rock, near a source of water (which is indeed the case at Bibi ˆahrba@nu) could well have served as a temple for the cult of Ana@h^d. In a more recent publication, M. Boyce dates the cult of the goddess to Ray during the Parthian period (Boyce, 1982a, p. 1004b). What still again corroborates the hypothesis of continuity between Ana@h^d (goddess of waters and fertility) and ˆahrba@nu (Mother of the Imams) is first that in a number of popular versions of the legend, the latter is called Háaya@t Ba@nu (Lady of Life) and secondly, visits to the sanctuary at Ray are exclusively reserved for women, more specifically, sterile women seeking to be healed there (Ba@sta@ni Pa@rizi, p. 246; Boyce 1967, p. 38). Apart from these reasons, the choice of Ray as final resting place for ˆahrba@nu may also be explained by the fact that it was from this city that in 641, Yazdgerd III launched a last appeal to his people to put up strong resistance against the Muslim troops and that Ray, although almost entirely Persian in population, had always been one of the most important bastions of all forms of Shi¿ism (Zaydism, Isma¿ilism, Qarmatism and Imamism) until the 12th century (Minorsky and Bosworth, p. 488).

The popularity of ˆahrba@nu also becomes evident by its strong presence in the Ta¿ziya – the Shi¿ite Persian theatre. In their catalogue of Ta¿ziya plays in the Cerulli collection kept at the Vatican Library, E. Rossi and A. Bombaci have classified more than thirty pieces in which the Sasanian princess (sometimes called æa@h-e zana@n) has a role. Usually, the scene takes place on the day of Karbala@÷ and the play describes the mourning and courage of the martyred Imam's wife. Many plays also portray the princess being captured and especially her dialogue and complicity with ¿Ali (Rossi-Bombaci, index, see "ˆahrba@nu").In almost all these works, sympathy for Persia and its pre-Islamic past are readily apparent. Convergence between ancient Persia and Imami Shi¿ism by virtue of ˆahrba@nu is just as emphatic in some popular rituals dedicated to the wife of the third Imam. Sacrifices offered to Bibi ˆahrba@nu - horses and lambs - are the same as those offered to Ba@nu Pa@rs/Ana@h^d of Yazd (Boyce 1967, pp. 42-43). The main ritual offering in the sanctuary at Ray is a bowl of water (ˆahidi, p. 189) – an element of nature of which Ana@h^d is the goddess. In some regions of Khorasan, among the mourning rituals that mark the first ten days of the month of Moháarram in commemoration of the death of the martyrs at Karbala@÷, elegies dedicated to ˆahrba@nu occupy an important place. Processions reciting these elegies almost invariably pass by a Zoroastrian cemetery, if not, people believe that the villages will be victim to drought or the opposite, floods, that is to say in either case natural events related to water (ˆahidi, pp. 180-81; Eftekòa@rza@da, pp. 130-32).

The figure of ˆahrba@nu may be situated within the complex network of relations between Persians and Shi¿ites. These relations naturally belong to the wider framework of the attitude of Persians towards Islam and the authorities and institutions that represent it during the early centuries of the hejra. This latter phenomenon has been studied widely in its many forms (Yarshater 1998, bibliography; Amir-Moezzi 2002a, pp. 532-36). On the other hand, links of a religious and doctrinal nature between ancient Iranian religions and Imami Shi¿ism constitute a field of research that still remains almost completely unexplored. The complex material of the ˆahrba@nu tradition forms part of those elements that link Imamism to ancient Persia and serve to revalidate pre-Islamic @Persian culture. Some noteworthy examples: the tradition according to which the celestial Book of Zoroaster consisted of 12000 volumes containing all Knowledge and ¿Ali depicted as the Knower par excellence of this Book (Kolayni 1956, I, p. 161; Ebn Ba@bawayh 1984, p. 206); the tradition praising the justice of Iranian kings, particularly that of Anuæerva@n (q.v.), during whose reign the Prophet was born (Majlesi, XV, pp. 250, 254, 279 ff.); the emblematic figure of Salma@n the Persian as the Persian sage, the ideal Muslim and archetype of the Shi¿ite initiate adept (Massignon, passim); the glorification of two of the most important Persian festivals, Nowruz and Mehrega@n in Hadiths going back to Shi¿ite Imams (Walbridge, passim); mourning rituals for Imam Háosayn as a continuation of funerary rituals and ancient practices for the Persian hero Siya@vaæ (Meskub, pp. 82 f f.;Yarshater 1979, pp. 80-95), etc. In this context, and when we acknowledge the fundamental importance of the affiliation and sacred nature of the link among the awlia@÷ in Shi¿ism (Amir-Moezzi 2000, passim), the figure of ˆahrba@nu acquires special significance. Adding the light of Persian royal glory to that of wala@ya, stemming from Moháammad and ¿Ali, ˆahrba@nu lends double legitimacy - Shi¿ite and Persian to its descendants, the Imams of Háosaynid lineage, as well as a double noblility, Qorayshite and Sasanian. At the same time, she endows the kings of ancient Persia, with the status of maternal ancestors of the Imams, thus revalidating the sovereigns and the culture of a nation of which she is the Lady. Thus, she becomes one of the main links in the relationship between pre-Islamic Persia and Imamism.

Bibliography (for cited works not given in detail see "Short References"): Abu Yusof Ya¿qub b. Ebra@him, Keta@b al-kara@j, ed. E. ¿Abba@s, Beirut and London, 1985. M. A. Amir-Moezzi, Le guide divin dans le shi'isme originel. Aux sources de l'e‚sote‚risme en Islam, Paris, 1992; Engl. tr., The Divine Guide in Early Shiism, New York, 1994. Idem, "Conside‚rations sur l'expression d^n ¿Al^. Aux origines de la foi shiite," ZDMG 150/1, 2000, pp. 29-68. Idem, "Shahrba@n@u@, Dame du pays d'Iran et meàre des Imams: entre l'Iran pre‚islamique et le Shiisme Imamite," Jerusalem Studies in Arabic and Islam 27, 2002(a), pp. 487-549; abridged version: "Shahrba@n@u@, princesse sassanide et e‚pouse de l'imam Háusayn. De l'Iran pre‚islamique aà l'Islam shiite," in Comptes rendus de l'Acade‚mie des Inscriptions et Belles-Lettres, Paris, January-March 2002b, pp. 255-85. Aæ¿ari, al-Maqa@la@t wa ÷l-feraq, ed. M. J. Maækur, Tehran, 1963. Bala@dòori, Fotuhá, repr. 1968. Idem, Ansáa@b, III, ed. M. B. Mahámudi, Beirut, 1974. M. E. Ba@sta@ni Pa@rizi, K¨a@tun-e haft qal¿a, Tehran, 3rd ed., 1984. Biruni, AÚt¯a@r, tr. Sachau, repr. 1969. M. Boyce, "B^b^ Shahrba@nu@ and the Lady of Pa@rs," BSOAS 30/1, 1967, pp.30-44. Idem, "Ana@hid i and ii," EIr., I (1982a), pp. 1003-6. M. L. Chaumont, "Ana@hid iii," EIr., I (1982b), pp. 1006-9. E. Chavannes, Documents sur les Tou-kiue (Turcs) occidentaux, St. Petersburg, 1903. Dinavari, ed. Guirgass. J. Duchesne-Guillemin, "La royaute‚ iranienne et le xvarenah," ed. G. Gnoli and A. V. Rossi, Iranica, Naples, 1979, pp. 375-86. Ebn ¿Abd Rabbeh, al-¿Eqd al-farid, Cairo, 1898. Ebn Ba@buya [Ba@bawayh], ¿Oyun akba@r al-Rezµa@, ed. Háosayn La@jevardi, Tehran, 1958. Idem, Ama@li. al-Maja@les, ed. M. B. Kamare'i, Tehran, 1984. Ebn Qotayba, al-Ma¿a@ref, ed. T¯arwa ¿Oka@æa, 4th ed., Cairo, 1995. Ebn Rostam Táabari, Dala@÷el al-ema@ma, Qom, 1992, pp. 194-96. Ebn Sa¿d, al-Táabaqa@t al-kobra@, ed. E.¿Abba@s, Beirut, 1957-60. Ebn ˆahra@æub, Mana@qeb a@l Abi Táa@leb, Najaf, 1956, III, pp. 207-208, 231, 259, 304 ff. M. R. Eftekòa@rza@da, Esla@m dar Ira@n, Tehran, 1992. S. Enderwitz, Gesellschaftlicher Rang und ethnische Legitimation. Der arabische Schriftseller Abu@ ¿Uthma@n al-G¦a@hiz (gest. 868) über die Afrikaner, Perser und Araber in der islamischen Gesellschaft, Freiburg im Breisgau, 1979. Abu ÷l-Faraj Esáfaha@ni, Maqa@tel al-táa@lebiyin, ed. A. Sáaqr, Cairo, 1949. Ferdowsi, ˆa@h-na@ma (Moscow), repr. Tehran, 1972. C. H. de Fouche‚cour, Moralia. Les notions morales dans la litte‚rature persane du IIIe/Ixe au VIIe/XIIIe sieàcle, Paris, 1986. R. Ghirshman, Iran, Parthes et Sassanides, Paris, 1962. Idem, Bîchâpour, I, Paris, 1971. H. A. R. Gibb, "The Social Significance of the Shu¿u@biyya," in Studia Orientalia Ioanni Pedersen Dicata, Copenhagen, 1953, pp. 105-14. Idem, "Abu@ ÷l-Sara@ya@ al-Shayba@n^," EI2, I (1960), pp. 149-50. G. Gnoli, "Un particolare aspetto del simbolismo della luce nel Mazdeismo e nel Manicheismo", AIUON 12, 1962, pp. 95-128. M. Grignaschi, "La Nihâyatu-l-arab fî akhbâri-l-Furs wa-l-¿Arab et les Siyaru Mulûki-l-¿Ajam du Ps. Ibn al-Muqaffa@", Bulletin d'e‚tudes orientales 26, 1973, pp. 83-184. G. E. von Grunebaum, "Firdausi's Concept of History," in idem, Islam: Essays in the Nature and Growth of a Cultural Tradition, London, 1955. ¿Ali Háosáuri, AÚkòerin æa@h, Tehran, 1992. R. G. Hoyland, Seeing Islam as Others Saw It, Princeton, 1997. Háosayn Karima@n, Ray-e ba@sta@n, Tehran, 1966-70. Moháammad b. Ya¿qub Kolayni, al-Osául men al-Ka@fi, ed. J. Mosátáafawi, Tehran, n. d., 4 vols., II, pp. 368-69. Idem, al-Foru¿ men al-Ka@fi , 4 vols., Tehran, 1956. R. Levy, "Persia and the Arabs," in A. J. Arberry ed., The Legacy of Persia, Oxford, 1953, pp. 56-73. Moháammad-Ba@qer Majlesi, Beháa@r al-anwa@r, Tehran and Qom, 1956-72. J. Marquart, Èra@nshahr nach der Geographie des Ps.Moses Xorenac'i, Berlin, 1901. M. J. Maækur, Sa@s@a@nia@n, Tehran, repr. ca. 1960. L. Massignon, "Salmân Pâk et les pre‚mices spirituelles de l'islam iranien," in idem, Opera Minora, I, Beirut, 1963, pp. 443-83. (Pseudo?) Mas¿udi, Et¯ba@t al-wasáiyya, Qom, 1996. ˆa@hrokò Meskub, Sug-e Sia@vaæ, Tehran, 1971. V. Minorsky and E. Bosworth, "al-Rayy," EI2, VIII (1995), pp. 471-73. Moháammad b. Yazid Mobarrad, al-Ka@mel fi ÷l-log@a wa ÷l-adab, ed. M. A. Da@li, 3rd ed. in 4 vols., 1997. Moháammad b. Moháammad [Shaykh] Mofid, al-Eræa@d, ed. Sayyed Ha@æem Rasuli Maháalla@ti, Tehran, 1968. M. Moháammadi Mala@yer, Ta@rikò wa farhang-e Ira@n dar dawra@n-e enteqa@l az ¿asár-e sa@sa@ni be ¿asár-e esla@mi, I, Tehran, 1997, and II (Del-e Ira@næahr), Tehran, 1996. M. G. Morony, "The Effects of the Muslim Conquest on the Persian Population of Iraq," Iran 14, 1967, pp. 41-55. Idem, "Conquerors and Conquered: Iran," in G.H.A. Juynboll, ed., Studies on the First Century of Islamic Society, Carbondale and Edwardsville, 1982, pp. 73-87. R. Mottahedeh, "The Shu¿@u@biyya Controversy and the Social History of Early Islamic Iran", IJMES 7, 1976, pp. 161-82. T. Nagel, "Ein früher Bericht über den Aufstand des Muháammad b. ¿Abdalla@h im Jahre 145h," Der Islam 46, 1970, pp. 227-62. Nowbakti, Feraq al-æi¿a, ed. H. Ritter, Istanbul, 1931. ¿Onsáor-al-Ma¿a@li Kay Ka@us b. Eskandar, Qa@bus-na@ma, ed. GÚola@m-Háosayn Yusofi, Tehran, 8th ed., 1996, chap. 27 in fine, pp. 137-38. Qotáb-al-Din Ra@vandi, al-Kara@'ej wa ÷l-jara@'ehá, Qom, 1988-89, chap. 15, no. 67, II, pp. 750-51. M. Rekaya, "al-Ma'mun," EI2, VI (1991), pp. 331-39. F. Rosenthal, A History of Muslim Historiography, Leiden, 1952. E. Rossi and A. Bombaci, Elenco di drami religiosi persiani (fondo mss Vaticani Cerulli), Vatican City, 1961. Sáaffa@r Qomi, Basáa@÷er al-daraja@t, ed. M. Ku±aba@g@i, Tabriz, 2nd ed., n.d. [ca. 1960]. S. J. ˆahidi, "Bahát¯i dar ba@ra-ye ˆahrba@nu," in idem, Ùera@g@-e rowæan dar donya@-ye ta@rikò, Tehran, 1954-55, pp. 186-201. B. Scarcia Amoretti, "Ibn Táaba@táaba@÷," EI2, III (1971), pp. 950-51. Sh. Shaked, From Zoroastrian Iran to Islam, Aldershot, England, 1995. Jamæid Soruæ Soruæia@n, Farhang-e beh dina@n, ed. M. Sotuda, Tehran, 1956. Bertold Spuler, "Iran: the Persistent Heritage," in G. E. von Grunebaum, ed., Unity and Variety in Muslim Civilization, Chicago, 1955, pp. 167-82. E. Strack, Six Months in Persia, London, 1882. Táabari, ed. De Goeje, and Táabari (Cairo2). T. Tafazµzµoli, Ta@rikò-e adabiya@t-e Ira@n-e piæ az Esla@m, ed. AÚmuzega@r, Tehran, 1997. J. Walbridge, "A Persian Gulf in the Sea of Lights: the Chapter on Naw-Ru@z in the Biháa@r al-anwa@r," Iran 35, 1997, pp. 83-92. G. Widengren, "The Sacral Kingship of Iran," in La regalitaà sacra, Leiden, 1959, pp. 242-57. Ya¿qubi, Ta÷rikò, repr. Qom, 1994. E. Yarshater, "Ta¿zieh and Pre-Islamic Mourning Rituals in Iran," in P. J. Chelkowski, ed., Ta¿zieh: Ritual and Drama in Iran, New York, 1979, pp. 70-95. Idem, "Iranian National History," in Camb. Hist. Iran 3(1), Cambridge, 1983, pp. 359-477. Idem, "The Persian Presence in the Islamic World," in R. G. Hovannisian and G. Sabagh, eds., The Persian Presence in the Islamic World, Cambridge, 1998, pp. 4-125.


January 31, 2005