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The Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (Hindi: राष्ट्रीय स्वयंसेवक संघ, English: National Volunteers' Organisation), also known as the Sangh or the RSS, is a Hindu nationalist organization in India. It was founded in 1925 by Dr.K.B. Hedgewar. The RSS is active throughout India and abroad as the Hindu Swayamsevak Sangh.

Their general philosophical outlook is cultural nationalism known as integral humanism, aimed at preserving the spiritual and moral traditions of India.^[1] The RSS believes that Hinduism is not a religion but a way of life.^[2] The proclaimed purpose of the organization is "serving the nation and its people in the form of God - Bharata Mata (Mother India) and protecting the interests of the Hindus in India".

They have participated actively in the political process through the Bharatiya Janata Party. They are well-organized and have a heirarchial structure to their organization, with the sarsanghchalak being the highest rank.

The RSS was banned in India thrice during periods in which the government of the time considered them a threat to the state: in 1948 after Mahatma Gandhi's assassination, during the 1975 Emergency in India, and after the 1992 Babri Masjid demolition, in order. The bans were subsequently lifted after the Supreme Court of India declined to uphold the bans due to lack of evidence of their involvement in the alleged activities^{[citation needed]}.

The RSS continues to be viewed as controversial due its, often violent, commitment to stop conversions of Hindus and to "organise" Hindu society, and by what some academics and commentators have called its "Fascist" tendencies. Its numbers have been bolstered by the rise of its associated Sangh Parivar members, especially the Bharatiya Janata Party.

Contents 1 History 2 Organization 2.1 Sarsanghchalaks 2.2 Shakha 3 Ideology 3.1 Other Religions 3.2 Caste System 3.3 Votebank Politics 3.4 Islamic Terrorism 3.5 Israel and Zionism 4 Political influence 5 Sangh Parivar 6 Social Activity 7 Criticism and Controversies 7.1 Accusations of Fascism 8 References 8.1 Publications 8.2 Books 9 See also 10 External links

[edit] History

2. A Brief Outline of the Hindutva Movement

2.1 The Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh

The Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS, or the ‘Sangh,’-- literally ‘National Volunteer Corps’), was started in 1925 for ‘propagating Hindu culture.’ As an organization, the RSS is elusive and shadowy—it is only open to Hindu males – primarily upper caste; it maintains no membership records; it has resisted being registered with the Government of India as a public/charitable trust; it has no bank accounts and pays no income tax.

2.2 Hindutva: The Ideology of the RSS

The RSS advocates a form of Hindu nationalism, which seeks to establish India as a Hindu Rashtra (Hindu Nation), and rejects the notion of a composite Indian identity brought about by a synthesis of different cultures and faiths. The RSS claims to be inclusive of all those who are racially and culturally Hindu and places outside of the nation all those who adhere to and identify with a different faith or ethos, thus establishing the idea of a Hindu Rashtra as an exclusive one where minorities are, at best, second class citizens. This particular ideology is variously called an ideology of Hindu pride, Hindu patriotism, Hindu fundamentalism, Hindu revivalism, Hindu chauvinism, Hindu fascism or Hindutva, depending on who controls the definition. What is beyond doubt is the exclusionary and discriminatory nature of the ideology. In this report we use the term used most often in the mainstream press – Hindutva – which translates literally to Hinduness or Hinduhood.

2.3 The Hindutva Movement and the Sangh Parivar

While the foundational core of Hindutva is inculcated in the RSS swayamsevaks (volunteers) through training that begins from childhood in its local shakhas (cells), the broad based work of spreading the ideology and its politics is undertaken through a network of organizations. The RSS (or more commonly, the Sangh) has created and propagated organizations in every facet of socio-political life in India—from political parties to children’s centers, trade unions and militias. These groups are together known as the Sangh Parivar or the Sangh Family of organizations. In recent years, the Sangh Parivar has also expanded its operations outside India and made significant efforts to reach the ‘Hindu’ diaspora, especially in the US, the UK and the Caribbean.

2.4 Constituents of the Sangh Parivar

The spread of the Hindutva ideology in India is carried out at the grassroots level through an army of swayamsevaks deployed by the Sangh Parivar. The recruitment and ideological 'orientation' towards Hindutva is done on many levels and fronts: at the grade school level, or earlier, with Hinduised education, including such 'educational' activities as the holding of Ramayan and Mahabharat competitions for school children in tribal areas—largely with the goal of supplanting tribal culture and traditions; with the 'celebration' of Hindu festivals on a grand scale in areas with large non-Hindu populations; and simultaneously, with the distribution of anti-minority pamphlets and literature and the sporadic creation of anti-minority programs such as the grabbing of minority land or buildings or the promotion of riots and murder. For these purposes, the Sangh has set up hundreds of smaller organizations all over the country, all supervised by volunteers from the Sangh and centrally coordinated, even though each claims to be independent of the Sangh.

While the RSS itself cannot currently accept monetary contributions for its activities from abroad, each of the Sangh-affiliated organizations has been designated a 'charity' and the Sangh actively solicits foreign funding for these organizations. In other words, given that the RSS has no corporate form and ensures an ambiguity around its specific location and form, it would be quite correct to argue that this myriad of smaller organizations together is what precisely constitutes the RSS.

The most visible and active organizations of the Sangh Parivar are represented below in a necessarily incomplete organizational chart of the Parivar. Each of these organizations has an equivalent “sister” organization in the US, which is shown in brackets in the chart below. The central organizations of the Sangh Parivar are:

its parliamentary wing, the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP, Indian Peoples Party), its cultural/political mobilization wing, the Vishwa Hindu Parishad (VHP – World Hindu Council), its paramilitary wing, the Bajrang Dal, and its service wing, the Seva Vibhag. Each of these has a US equivalent –

the Hindu Swayamsevak Sangh (HSS) mirrors the RSS with the Friends of India Society (FISI) functioning as its public arm, the Overseas Friends of the BJP runs the affairs of the BJP in the US, the Vishwa Hindu Parishad of America does the same for the VHP, and the IDRF looks after the Seva Vibhag’s activities in the US. Further, Sewa International is the Seva Vibhag’s coordination body for all international funds and service programs. In India, the Seva Vibhag operates through hundreds of single purpose organizations spread across the country. A sample of some of the prominent Seva Vibhag organizations are listed in the chart below.

2.5 Organizational Structure of the The Sangh Parivar {and the US equivalents}

Figure 1 - Organization Chart of the Sangh Parivar {and the US equivalents}

2.6 The Methods of the Sangh: From Violent Riots to Planned Pogroms

Violence is a central strategy in the Sangh’s rise to political power. Often the Sangh presents its use of violence as “self-defense” against armed minority gangs—an idea that is supported by a claim that Hinduism is inherently a tolerant and peaceful religion. While large numbers of Hindus living all across India would shun violence just as many others of different faiths do, Hindutva has, from its inception, been very clear on the necessity of violence.

2.6.1 Violent Underpinnings of Hindutva

The use of violence as a political strategy has been clearly outlined by some of the earliest proponents of Hindutva [1].

Golwalkar, the second Supreme Leader of the RSS, celebrated Nazi Germany and “her purging the country of the Semitic races — the Jews.” For Golwalkar, the “purging” of an entire people was entirely justifiable as it was an expression of “national pride at its highest…”

Just as Golwalkar celebrated Nazi Germany, so did B. S. Moonje, one of the earliest proponents of Hindutva and the mentor of Hegdewar (the founder of the RSS). Moonje traveled to Italy to meet with Mussolini and study the methods of Italian fascism. Reflecting on what he saw in Italy and seeking a reproduction of Italian fascist organization in India he wrote: This training is meant for qualifying and fitting our boys for the game of killing masses of men with the ambition of winning victory…

2.6.2 The Sangh’s Participation in Communal Riots

Violence has not remained an abstract desire within Hindutva—there is ample evidence that this essential and strategic understanding of violence has continuously been practiced by the Sangh. Numerous government reports have clearly indicted the Sangh for fomenting communal violence [2]. In each of these communal riots that the RSS fomented and participated in, the central strategy to greater power is clear. For the Sangh each religious riots translates to greater polarization between the majority Hindu community and the minority communities. Further, riots serve as a basis for the RSS to work with those parts of the “Hindu” community that are not part of the Hindutva project.

In other words, every communal riot that the Sangh incites is the basis for both:

a further separation of each religious community into its own ghetto, and

the consolidation of the Hindu community around the ideology of Hindutva. While this dual process of polarization and consolidation has been central to the rise to power of Hindutva, what has changed in more recent times with the ascension of the BJP to State power, and the growth of the VHP and the Bajrang Dal, is that the communal riot has now transformed into an organized pogroms, where minority populations, residences, businesses and institutions are targeted with almost military precision.

2.6.3 Targeted Violence Against Minorities: Two Recent Examples

Anti-Christian Violence (1998-2000)

After 1998, when the BJP party came to play a leading role in the government, violence against Christian minorities in India has significantly escalated [3]. Between January 1998 and February 1999 alone, there were 116 attacks against the Christian community in India [4], specifically targeting Christian missionaries, priests, nuns, schools and churches. Documenting anti-Christian violence in 1999, the South Asia Human Rights Documentation Center report states:

“Most of these attacks have been perpetrated by individuals connected to the Sangh Parivar, which is comprised of rightwing Hindu fundamentalist organisations including elements from the ruling Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), Vishwa Hindu Parishad (World Hindu Council), Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS), Bajrang Dal and Hindu Jagran Manch.”[5]

The Gujarat Genocide (2002)

The Gujarat Genocide of 2002 has been by far the most elaborate and well-planned pogrom to date. Numerous reports have documented the massacre of more than 2000 Muslims, the rape, mutilation and murder of Muslim women, the specific targeting of Muslim businesses for burning and arson, and the destruction of Muslim homes leaving in excess of 150,000 Muslims homeless [6]. According to the Human Rights Watch,

“The groups most directly involved in the violence against Muslims include the Vishwa Hindu Parishad (World Hindu Council, VHP), the Bajrang Dal, the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh and the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) that heads the Gujarat state government. Collectively, they are known as the sangh parivar, or family of Hindu nationalist organizations. … Numerous police reports filed by eyewitnesses after the attacks have specifically named local VHP, BJP, and Bajrang Dal leaders as instigators or participants in the violence.” [7]

What is currently unfolding is no longer simply the processes of polarization and consolidation (though these continue), but a planned effort at eliminating any semblance of power that a minority community may have, either economic or social.

Probably there is no better way to understand the growth of violent Hindu fascism in India than to look at it as the violent history between two moments in independent India. The first is the assassination of Mahatma Gandhi, the apostle of peace, by Nathuram Godse, a prominent member of the Hindutva movement in 1948 and the second is in Gujarat Genocide of 2002, in Gandhi’s homeland of Gujarat.

(This part of the report describes various aspects of the Sangh and the Hindutva movement in a summary form. For a more detailed discussion of Hindutva and the Sangh see Appendix A.

---

The following examples have been taken from M Casolari, (1993) Hindutva’s foreign tie-up in the 1930s: Archival Evidence, Economic and Political Weekly, Jan 22, 2000.

Jaganmohan Reddy Commission on the Ahmedabad riots (1969), Madan Commission on the Bhiwandi riots (1970), Justice Vithayathil’s report on the Tellicherry riots (1971), Justice Jitendra Narain’s Report on the Jamshedpur riots (1979) and Justice P Venugopal’s report on the riots in kanyakumari (1982) are good examples of the Sangh’s consistent involvement in riots.

Politics by Other Means: Attacks Against Christians in India, Human Rights Watch Report, Sept 1999

According to the Indian Parliament, as quoted in Indian Christians are victims of a 'concerted campaign', Jim Lobe, Asia Times, Sept 30, 1999

Violence against Christians continues—Method in the Sangh Madness A Report by the South Asia Human Rights Documentation Center, Aug 28, 2000.

See http://www.onlinevolunteers.org/gujarat/reports/index.htm for reports by People’s Union for Civil Liberties (PUCL), Communalism Combat, National Human Right’s Commission, and different women’s groups.

India: Gujarat Officials Took Part in Anti-Muslim Violence: Press Release by HRW, April 30, 2002

[edit] Organization

The RSS has an estimated 4.5 million active members. ^[3] The RSS organises itself hierarchically.

[edit] Sarsanghchalaks

The Sarsanghchalak is the family head of the RSS organization. The individuals who have been Sarsanghchalkas are:

• Dr. Keshav Baliram Hedgewar (founder), also known as Doctorji (1925-1940)
• Madhavrao Sadashivrao Golwalkar, also known as, Guruji (1940-1973)
• Madhukar Dattatraya Deoras, also known as, Balasaheb (1973-1993)
• Rajendra Singh, also known as, Rajjubhaiya (1993-2000)
• Kuppahalli Sitaramayya Sudarshan (2000-present)

The position is decided by nomination followed with elections held at the annual "Akhil Bharatiya Pratinidhi Sabha" meeting. The current sarsanghachalak of RSS is K.S. Sudarshan.

[edit] Shakha

"Shakhas" means "branch" in Sanskrit.

Most of the organisational work of the RSS is done through the coordination of shakhas, or branches. These shakhas are run every morning (prabhat shakha), evening (sayam shakha) or night (atisayam shakha) for 1 hour in public places and are open to people of all castes, creeds or social and economic status. Currently more than 50,000 shakhas are run throughout India. Apart from 42,000 daily gatherings, there are about 5,000 weekly and 2,000 monthly gatherings conducted throughout the length and breadth of the country^{[citation needed]}.

These shakhas are usually operated in playing grounds without any offices. At the end of the shakha the prayer "Namaste Sadaa Vatsale Matrubhoome" (which means "My salutation to you, ever loving motherland") is recited.

These shakhas are the core building blocks of RSS structure. During a Shakha, the activities consist of yoga, games, discussions on broad range of social topics, prayer to Bharat Mata and an inspirational session (baudhik). The RSS uniform consists of a black cap, white shirt and khakhi-coloured shorts. On the day of 'Guru Poornima' the RSS vounteers pay tributes to the 'Bhagwa Dhwaj' - the saffron flag, which has considerable symbolic importance.

An RSS volunteer who attends shakha is referred to as a "Swayamsevak". A Swayamsevak is sometimes appointed as a Sanghchalak, meaning group administrator, and is given the task of leading and organizing the Shaka's events.

[edit] Ideology

Main article: Hindutva

It has been suggested that this article or section be merged into Hindutva. (Discuss)

The primarily goals of the RSS are a revival of Hindu tradition and to be an advocacy group for Hindus, whom they feel are being slowly marginalized due to alleged "negationism" in India and the acts of appeasement against them from the left-wing political parties and politicians in favor of extremist elements of other religious denominations. Their core ideology is based on Integral humanism and Hindutva, a form of Hindu Nationalism. They describe themselves as an "antidote to self-oblivion", and their goals as an attempt to inculcate Indians with the "A burning devotion to the Motherland (India), a feeling of fraternity among all citizens, intense awareness of a common national life derived from a common culture and shared history and heritage", as well as to "activise the dormant Hindu society (of India), realise its past mistakes, to instil in it a firm determination to set them right, and finally to make it bestir itself to reassert its honour and self-respect"^[4].

[edit] Other Religions

The Sangh has declared publicly that its Hindutva philosophy states that Hindutva supports the philosophy Ekam Sat Viprah Bahudha Vadanti Vasudhaiva Kutumbakam (translated to Truth is One, Sages Call it by Many Names. The Whole Universe is one Family).^[5] However, it feels this society has been threatened by repeated persecution of Hindus, especially by Muslims. According to the BJP, a member of the Sangh Parivar:

Thus, the seeds of today's Hindu Jagriti (awakening) were created the very instance that an invader threatened the fabric of Hindu society which was religious tolerance. The vibrancy of Hindu society was noticeable at all times in that despite such barbarism from the Islamic hordes of central Asia and Turkey, Hindus never played with the same rules that Muslims did.^[6]

The RSS believes that provided better circumstances the a majority of the Muslim population of India would 'revert' to Hinduism, believing that most Indian Muslims can trace their ancestry back to those with a Hindu background. The BJP, the RSS' political wing, has expressed its beliefs on this matter: ^[7] :

The RSS entirely agrees with Gandhiji's formulations that "There is in Hinduism room enough for Jesus, as there is for Mohammed, Zoroster and Moses" and that "majority of the Muslims of India are converts to that faith from Hinduism through force of circumstances. They are still Hindu in many essential ways and, in a free, prosperous, progressive India, they would find it the most natural thing in the world to revert to their ancient faith and ways of life."

The RSS believes all non-Hindus in India should adopt a stance of religious tolerance towards the native religions, or otherwise they should face intolerance in return. This lines up with the RSS's belief that all religions should have the same rights and responsibilities in terms of laws. Regarding non-Hindus in India, Madhav Sadashiv Golwalkar, an RSS leader in the past, had also stated (in the 1940s) that:

"The non-Hindu peoples in Hindustan must either adopt the Hindu culture and language, must learn to respect and hold in reverence the Hindu religion, must entertain no idea but those of glorification of Hindu race and culture, i.e., they must not only give up their attitude intolerance and ungratefulness towards this land and its age-old traditions but must also cultivate the positive attitude of love and devotion instead-in a word they must cease to be foreigners, or may stay in this country, wholly subordinated to the Hindu nation, claiming nothing, deserving no privilege, far less any preferential treatment-not even citizens' rights."^[8]

With regards to claims of having an anti-Muslim stance, RSS spokesperson Ram Madhav has stated that such claims are a "distortion of RSS ideology". He asserts that the RSS "believes in the oneness of our culture and the country", and that "any opposition to this view could lead to disintegration as it in fact happened with the Partition. This accent against divisiveness should therefore not be seen as hatred towards any particular religion.^[9].

The RSS denies that they are intolerant of any other religion, citing examples of RSS-dominated communities in India that have lived in relative peace with adherents of other religions.

[edit] Caste System

Historically, the RSS has had several Dalit and Middle-Caste members in their fold, several of whom are in key positions along their rank-and-file^[10].Originally, the RSS was formed by members of the upper caste Brahmin community. However, that situation has changed considerably over time. An RSS sarsanghchalak quotes:"All our best attended shakhas are in the poor areas, not in the alienated middle class or rich upper caste suburbs or cities or towns. In simple words, the new Sangh Swayamsevak is mostly a backward caste or Dalit"^[11].

The RSS has recently expressed concern over caste-based political and social conflicts, they have urged Hindus to "get rid of this evil at the earliest"^[12].Their resolution adopted at a national executive meeting said:

"Hindu society should take all necessary measures to ensure entry and access to every Hindu, irrespective of his caste, to their homes, temples, religious places, public wells, ponds, and other public places..Hindu society will have to get rid of this evil at the earliest.^[12]"

The organisation further contends that "caste-based untouchability" and "feelings of high caste and low caste" were the main evils haunting the Hindu society and aims to eradicate Casteism from Indian society. To that end, the R.S.S have tried to reach out to prominent Dalit (traditionally the "Untouchable" Caste) leaders in India, such as poet and leader of the Dalit activist group "Dalit Panthers" Namdeo Dhasal^[13]. The Dalit Panthers have been traditional adversaries of the R.S.S and peceived them as an "upper-caste" dominated party. However, negotiations with RSS chief K.Sudarshan on August 2006 led to reconciliations, when Sudarshan declared that the R.S.S categorically rejects all forms of caste discrimination in the organization. He further said:

The Dalits are our own flesh and blood, but because of some ill practices and social evils the practice of untouchability has brought havoc on those who were an integral part and defenders of Dharma. This has to be corrected through our deeds and actions^[13]."

Namadeo Dhasal said at the meeting with the RSS, "Yes, I do feel that the fight to eradicate caste has to be fought by Dalits and caste Hindus together carrying forward the tradition of Adi Sankara, which got broken somewhere in between."

Sudarshan then said, "I fully agree with what you have said here today".

In addition, the RSS has advocated for training Dalits and other backward classes to be temple high priests (a position traditionally reserved for Caste Brahmins and denied to lower castes). They argue that the social divisiveness of the Caste system is responsible for the lack of adherence to Hindu values and traditions and reaching out to the lower castes in this manner will be a remedy to the problem^[14].

Appealing for social harmony and Hindu brotherhood, the organisation warned the community against the political parties, which it said had been drawing "political benefits" out of casteism and "Inventing caste based new conflicts in the Hindu society for the sake of political benefits [which has] has become a trend of many politicians these days.^[12]"

[edit] Votebank Politics

The RSS has spoken out against votebank politics of politicians who encourage caste based rivalries and have urged political parties to keep away from caste based politics and give an Indian culture to democracy.

"No religion or sect is inferior to others. The whole society should be aware that every sect and caste of Bharat has a glorious history..The entire society should fully realize the essence of 'Na Hinduh Patito Bhavet' (No Hindu shall ever come to grief)"^[12]

[edit] Islamic Terrorism

The RSS has spoken out against Islamic Fundamentalism and acts of Islamist terrorism carried out in various parts of India in recent years. A Senior RSS leader Madan Das has said that there should be "no hesitation whatsoever in fighting against those who do not want peace and added that the world communities should fight terrorism together". They have labelled Islamists as "anti-national elements" and have alleged Pakistani involvement in the various terrorist acts^[15]. In addition, the Islamist terror outfit Lashkar-e-Toiba is suspected for carrying out an unsuccessful attack on the headquarters of the RSS in Nagpur on June 1, 2006^[16][17], inviting condemnation of the outfit from politicians across the spectrum^[18].

[edit] Israel and Zionism

In November 2000, when the BJP-led Indian government voted in favour of the United Nations General Assembly resolution condemning Israel's "excessive use of force" against Palestinian civilians, the RSS-backed weekly, the Organiser went out of its way to support the Zionist cause, arguing that the recent violence was the result of Palestinian intransigence.^[19].

In addition, RSS welcomed the visit of Israeli Prime Minister Ariel Sharon to India in 2003. Sharon's visit was condemned by the leaders of the Communist Party of India and Janata Dal for his stance on the Oslo Accords.^[20]. ^[21] The Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh unilaterally condemned these protests and statements.^[22]. R.S.S spokesperson Ram Madhav said:

The entire world acknowledges that Israel has effectively and ruthlessly countered terror in the Middle East. Since India and Israel are both fighting a proxy war against terrorism, therefore, we should learn a lesson or two from them. We need to have close cooperation with them in this field^[22]

The R.S.S newspaper "Panchjanya" dubbed those advocating friendship with Pakistan as ones responsible for encouraging terrorist activities in India, and described the visit of Ariel Sharon as an opportunity for India to get closure to Israel and fight terrorism jointly ^[22]

[edit] Political influence

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In 1973, Golwalkar passed away and Balasaheb Deoras took over the leadership, and continued until 1993, when Dr. Rajendra Singh took over from him. During this period, came the rise of the Bharatiya Jana Sangh, the political front of the RSS. Between 1975 and 1977, the RSS, along with socialists like Jayprakash Narayan launched a civil disobedience movement, to reject the national emergency and postponement of elections by Prime Minister and Congress President Indira Gandhi. The Jana Sangh was an integral part of the Janata Party coalition that defeated Indira Gandhi's Congress in a landslide in 1977.

It was in fact the close relationship between the Jan Sangh and the RSS that proved to be the Janata coalition's undoing, as non-Sangh constituents of the coalition insisted that all members of the Union Cabinet distance themselves from the RSS, as they were now members of the Janata Party. When Vajpayee and Advani in particular refused to do so, the coalition collapsed over what came to be known as the 'dual membership' issue.

The RSS saw its stock rise as the BJP thrived upon the disenchantment of the masses with the Congress-led governments. By 1988, the BJP had 88 seats in the Lok Sabha, lower house of Parliament, and by 1996 it was the single-largest party. In 1998 it went on to head a coalition government that survived six years and another election in 1999.

During recent time, people who share RSS's ideology, many of whom have been swayamsevaks or former swayamsevaks have gone on to achieve the highest political positions in the Indian Politics. These leaders include Atal Behari Vajpayee, Lal Krishna Advani, Narendra Modi, Shivraj Singh Chauhan, Pramod Mahajan, Gopinath Munde and Ram Prakash Gupta.

[edit] Sangh Parivar

Main article: Sangh Parivar

Organizations which are inspired by the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh's ideology refer themselves as the members of the Sangh Parivar. In most of the cases Pracharaks (Full time volunteers of the RSS) were deputed to start and manage these organizations. The largest organizations within the Sangh are the Bharatiya Janata Party, Vishva Hindu Parishad and Bajrang Dal. Numerous other Hindutva organizations take inspiration from the RSS's actions.

[edit] Social Activity

The RSS was instrumental in relief efforts after the 1971 Orissa Cyclone and the 1977 Andhra Pradesh Cyclone.^[23]

Khushwant Singh credits members of the RSS with helping and protecting Sikhs who were being targeted be members of the Congress(I) political party during the 1984 Anti-Sikh Riots^[24]. He said:

"It was the Congress(I) leaders who instigated mobs in 1984 and got more than 3000 people killed. I must give due credit to RSS and the BJP for showing courage and protecting helpless Sikhs during those difficult days”^[24]

The RSS has also participated in relief efforts in the Indian State of Kashmir, which has been besieged by Islamic terrorism (see Terrorism in Kashmir). An RSS-affiliated NGO, Sewa Bharti, has adopted 100 children, most of them Muslims, from militancy affected areas of the region to provide them education at least up to Higher Secondary level^[25].

The RSS assisted in relief efforts quite extensively during the 2001 Gujarat earthquake. They helped rebuild villages^[26]. They "earned kudos" from many varied agencies and sources for their actions^[23].

Sewa Bharati has also collaborated with several relief groups, such as the Catholics Bishops Conference of India to conduct relief operations in the aftermath of the 2004 Indian Ocean earthquake. Activities included building shelters for the victims, providing food, clothes and medical necessities^[27]. They raised over one crore rupees for the effort in one week after the tsunami^[28]. The RSS assisted relief efforts during the 2004 Sumatra-Andaman earthquake and the subsequent Tsunami ^[29].

[edit] Criticism and Controversies

[edit] Accusations of Fascism

Jean A. Curran described the RSS as a "reactionary group of Hindu fanatics with Fascist tendencies."^[30].

Others such as Ian McDonald of the University of Brighton, compare the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh and it's concept of "organicism" with 19th century European Nationalism and European Fascism, calling the "apotheosis of RSS's intellectual and physical development the physiological patriot, a Hindu homo-fascitus", and that "the argument of its fascist ideology and methodology" is "profoundly disturbing"^[31]

In his book Fascism: Theory and Practice, Dave Renton mentions that in the 1990s RSS has used Communal riots as form of popular politics against the state. However, Renton further goes to state that, since RSS has adopted only adapted "parts" of Fascist ideology and is NOT a full fledged movement against the state, they cannot be labelled as "Fascist"[2].

Other academics, such as David James Smith, Professor of Indian Religions at Lancaster University, writes that despite the organizations past links with fascist ideologies, it's decentralized nature and lack of emphasis with a supreme leader, and the central position that it awards to social system (rather than race), means that describing them as "fascist" is inappropriate^[32].

Vincent Kundukulam, a Christian priest at St. Joseph Pontifical Seminary in Aluva, Kerala, has written a Ph.D thesis in Sorbonne University, Paris, France, that claims RSS to be neither nationalist nor fascist ^{[33][34][35][36]}. He states that that RSS cannot be considered as a nationalist organisation in the sense in which the term 'nationalism' is generally interpreted in India. He points out that Indian nationalism and religion are mutually exclusive. Since RSS's primary loyalty is to the Hindus, it can't be called 'nationalist'. He also argues against branding the RSS ideology as "Fascism", "Nazism", "Fundamentalism" and "Communalism". He said the terms fascism, Nazism, and fundamentalism are much abused terms in India. They have a different connotation and meaning in the European context that don't apply to an Indian sociopolitical context. He argues that since communalism is not a part of religion, RSS can be called "communal" only in a limited way^[35][36].

In addition, accusations of "fascism" have been critiqued as overly simplistic by Jyotirmaya Sharma as inappropriate, calling them a "simplistic transference has done great injustice to our knowledge of Hindu nationalist politics"^[37].

[edit] References

[edit] Publications

• "Panchajanya", RSS weekly publication. (Hindi) 
• "Organiser", RSS weekly publication. (English) 
• (1966) Bunch of Thoughts. Banglore, India: Sahitya Sindhu Prakashana. ISBN 81-86595-19-8.  - Collection of Speeches by Golwalkar.
• Weekly Swastika The Nationalist Bengali News Weekly

[edit] Books

• Anderson, Walter K.; Damle, Sridhar D. (1987). The Brotherhood in Saffron. Delhi, India: Vistaar Publishers. 

[edit] See also

v • d • e Sangh Parivar
Organisations	Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh · Rashtriya Sevika Samiti · Bharatiya Jana Sangh · Vishva Hindu Parishad · Bharatiya Janata Party · Bajrang Dal · Akhil Bharatiya Vidyarthi Parishad · Rashtriya Sikh Sangat · Bharatiya Mazdoor Sangh · Hindu Swayamsevak Sangh · Hindu Students Council · Swadeshi Jagaran Manch · Durga Vahini · Seva Bharathi · Bharatiya Kisan Sangh · Balagokulam · Vidya Bharati · Bharatiya Vanavasi Kalyan Ashram
Major figures	K.B. Hedgewar · Madhav Sadashiv Golwalkar · Syama Prasad Mookerjee · Deendayal Upadhyaya · Madhukar Dattatraya Deoras · Atal Bihari Vajpayee · Lal Krishna Advani · Rajendra Singh · Ashok Singhal · K. S. Sudarshan · Praveen Togadia · Uma Bharti · Narendra Modi · Vinay Katiyar
Philosophy	Hindu nationalism · Hindutva · Integral humanism · Hindu Rashtra · Ram Janmabhoomi · Akhand Bharat · Uniform civil code

[edit] External links

• RSS - official website
• Accusations gone rancid, without remorse- Criticism of smear campaigns against RSS
• Know More About the RSS By: Shachi Rairikar November 12, 2004