   |
|
|
 Jarom
1:11 Now behold, I, Jarom, write a few words according to the commandment of my father, Enos, that our genealogy may be kept. Jarom's reporting of
his charge concerning the plates is interesting, for both Nephi and Jacob the charge was to maintain the sacred
things to the people. Here, however the charge is just to maintain the genealogy. A similar charge marks the transition
between Jarom and his son Omni (Omni 1:1). What makes this charge most unusual is that neither Jarom nor Omni (nor
Jacob and only minimally Nephi) contain a genealogy. Only in the mention of his parentage does Jarom provide genealogical
information. How may we explain the absence of the one thing that the authors indicate is their prime instruction?Once again we must fall back onto speculation, for we have only this evidence of the command without the expected fulfillment to go on. The repetition of the charge, and the equally absent expected fulfillment of that charge in Omni suggests that perhaps both Jarom and Omni are understanding "genealogy" in a much different context that we might expect from the modern use of the word, and indeed the Biblical examples. The evidence of what is recorded suggests that the term is being used to cover what we might term "religious history." Starting with Nephi, the small plates have contained elements of history colored by the overriding religious importance of the historical events. This approach to recording on the small plates does appear to have continued through Jarom and Omni, with gross historical events placed in the context of the righteousness of the people. Thus a working hypothesis is that the word "genealogy" in Jarom and Omni might be better rendered "religious or sacred history." The origins of the term genealogy have to do with beginnings (and therefore begettings) as well as the linking of such information through time. Certainly the chronological ordering of a genealogy fits with the concept of a history, and the probable sacred nature attached to particular kin might be the link by which these ideas were melded. Jarom
1:22 And as these plates are small, and as these things are written for the intent of the benefit of our brethren the Lamanites, wherefore, it must needs be that I write a little; but I shall not write the things of my prophesying, nor of my revelations. For what could I write more than my fathers have written? For have not they revealed the plan of salvation? I say unto you, Yea; and this sufficeth me. Biographical:
Jarom gives us little personal information, but he does indicate that he has prophecies and revelations, but declines
to write them. We can therefore reasonably assume that Jarom is a righteous man attempting to follow the way of
the Lord.Textual: Jarom's reason for his little writing is not that he does not have revelations, but rather that "these plates are small," and that his prophecies confirm those already written. Certainly many prophets have spoken and written on the same themes as other prophets, and their words are all valuable. We must look first to his assertion that "these plates are small" as the reason for his compact statements. When combined with Amaleki's final statement that the "plates are full" (Omni 1:30), we may freely assume that both Jarom and Amaleki are discussing physical limitations of the plates. The best hypothesis for these statements is that Nephi made the plates, and when he made them, made many more leaves than he used. All other writers on those plates wrote on the physical plates that Nephi had created, and they did not create any new plates. Indeed, with the increasing marginalization of Jacob's lineage from the rulers of Nephi, and Jacob's polemics against the rich, we may suggest that Jacob's lineage did not have access to the resources to create new plates to add to the set upon which they were writing. By the time of Jarom there are few sheets left, and Amaleki fills them up. Jarom
1:33 Behold, it is expedient that much should be done among this people, because of the hardness of their hearts, and the deafness of their ears, and the blindness of their minds, and the stiffness of their necks; nevertheless, God is exceedingly merciful unto them, and has not as yet swept them off from the face of the land. Were we to read only
verse 3 and not verses 6-8, we might see the Nephites in a state of general apostasy. This is not the case, however,
attested by those later verses. What we have is the recognition by a prophet that there is yet work to be done,
and that there are those who are still hard in their hearts. That Jarom understands that this applies to only a
portion of the Nephites is explicit in the next verse.Jarom
1:44 And there are many among us who have many revelations, for they are not all stiffnecked. And as many as are not stiffnecked and have faith, have communion with the Holy Spirit, which maketh manifest unto the children of men, according to their faith. There are two types
of Nephites, those who are stiffnecked and those who have faith. Jarom understands that those who have faith will
follow the commandments, and that they are also those who are following the particular brand of Mosaic law that
Nephi taught at the end of his reign, and which was continued by Jacob and Enos. We understand this particularly
from the reference to the Holy Spirit, a part of the teaching that is attached to the particularly Christian type
of Messianism that was taught to the Nephites.Jarom
1:55 And now, behold, two hundred years had passed away, and the people of Nephi had waxed strong in the land. They observed to keep the law of Moses and the sabbath day holy unto the Lord. And they profaned not; neither did they blaspheme. And the laws of the land were exceedingly strict. Jarom turns from the
stiffnecked people who were likely his focus for preaching to what appears to be the majority of Nephites. On the
whole, Nephite society at this point is one founded upon and ruled by the Mosaic law, augmented by the Christ/Messiah
teachings of their prophets. Jarom highlights the general righteousness because he sees that as a direct fulfillment
of the prophesies that they will remain on the land in accordance with their righteousness.Historical: Two hundred years for the time we are using for the departure of Lehi from Jerusalem (January of 586 BC) places this next dated event at 386 BC. Jarom
1:66 And they were scattered upon much of the face of the land, and the Lamanites also. And they were exceedingly more numerous than were they of the Nephites; and they loved murder and would drink the blood of beasts. Sociological:
Jarom gives us some important information about the social development of the Lamanites and the Nephites. First
we learn that the Nephites are "scattered upon much of the face of the land." This indicates a large
population spread out geographically. With the previous information on the Nephite social catalog, we still understand
the Nephites to be city dwellers, with dependent agricultural locations. In the ancient world a wide geographic
spread is difficult to manage from a single site, and we may presume that we are now looking at multiple towns
that are "friendly to the Nephites", and therefore fitting into Jacob's definition of Nephite. In other
words, the economic and political power of the Nephites has been sufficient to attract populations in other towns
in the general geographic area.What is also interesting, however, is that the Lamanites are not only also scattered upon the face of the land, but that they are more numerous than the Lamanites. It was Jarom's father, Enos, who most recently categorized the Lamanites as nomadic hunter-gatherers (Enos 1: 20). That description does not fit with the description Jarom gives. It is a simple question of the ability to feed populations. Hunter-gatherer societies cannot grow very large because the larger group would soon outstrip the ability of the geographic territory to support it. Larger numbers are historically supported only after the adoption of agriculture, and later, husbandry. Thus the description of the Lamanites as more numerous than the Nephites tells us immediately that the Lamanites, however the Nephites might use cliches to describe them, are in reality just as urbanized as the Nephites. In the context of Mesoamerica, the definition of Lamanite would extend to anyone not "friendly" to the Nephites, and our understanding of the nature of Mesoamerican civilizations tells us that there were many locations of towns during this period. As has previously been examined, the hints are all there in the Book of Mormon to support the mixing with other populations. The lineal Lamanites did not have to maintain as much continuity as the Nephites to receive the label "Lamanite." That is, there could easily be communities who were not "friendly" to the Nephites, and therefore called Lamanite, that might not have a single lineal Lamanite in them. This picture of large numbers of peoples, with the majority being "Lamanite" fits precisely with the known archaeology of the Guatemala area for this time period. Of course archaeology cannot define Lamanite, but it can indicate the large populations and the spread of agriculture-dependent towns that have to exist to yield the description we have in Jarom. The next interesting piece of information is that the Lamanites love murder and drink the blood of beasts. We can understand the Nephite categorization of the Lamanites as loving murder on the basis of the frequent wars alone. However, we might also see in this a reference to tenets of Lamanite religion. Remembering that murder is conceptually different than deaths that occur in war, this may be a reference to the Mesoamerican practice of killing (or sacrificing) their captives. When we remember that Jacob (Jacob 2:19) suggested that a legitimate use of wealth was to ransom captives, we may also see in the "love of murder" the fate of the unredeemed captives, according to traditional Mesoamerican practice (Schele and Freidel. A Forest of Kings. P. 143). The last remark about the drinking the blood of beasts may have been notable as a violation of the Mosaic law, which prohibited the eating of the blood of meat animals: "Deut. 12:15 Notwithstanding thou mayest kill and eat flesh in all thy gates, whatsoever thy soul lusteth after, according to the blessing of the LORD thy God which he hath given thee: the unclean and the clean may eat thereof, as of the roebuck, and as of the hart. 16 Only ye shall not eat the blood; ye shall pour it upon the earth as water." Therefore, this notable violation of the Deuteronomic code would have been seen as a further indication of the baseness of the Lamanites, a cultural cliché that we have already seen employed by Enos. Geographical background: The emerging Nephite/Lamanite conflicts should be seen in the context of the general culture/population in which we suppose that we find the Book of Mormon. While Schele and Freidel are describing specifics of Maya kingship, a trait that is in the form they describe it only later than this period of the Book of Mormon, the gross relationship of ruler/subject would be present in Book of Mormon times, and establish the trends that will lead to the rise of the Classic Maya Kings. They note: "The political geography of the Maya consisted of island cities of royal power in a sea of townspeople and village folk. Kings worked hard to establish firm control over the countryside and to expand their authority as far as possible in the direction of other polities. From the beginning of the institution of kingship, military confrontation was not only a fact of life but a necessary and inevitable royal responsibility With the proliferation of polities, the civilized territories expanded at the expense of the freeholders." (Schele and Freidel. A Forest of Kings. P. 60). This general description fits the developing tensions between Nephite and Lamanite, and the frequent wars noted suggest precisely the kind of consolidation of territories that Schele and Freidel describe. Thus we may picture the Nephites as a collection of towns surrounding and beholding to the village/city of Nephi, with similar collections of towns (scattered upon the face of the land) beholding to similar power centers of the Lamanites. The wealth and possible technological abilities of the Nephites make them prime targets of rivalry, and therefore warfare. Jarom
1:77 And it came to pass that they came many times against us, the Nephites, to battle. But our kings and our leaders were mighty men in the faith of the Lord; and they taught the people the ways of the Lord; wherefore, we withstood the Lamanites and swept them away out of our lands, and began to fortify our cities, or whatsoever place of our inheritance. Sociological:
It is significant that Jarom moves from a description of Nephites and Lamanites "scattered over the face of
the land" directly into military conflict. As noted above, that is precisely the response of such expansion
of population, given the types of political alliances traditional in the Maya region of Mesoamerica. Additionally,
it is significant that Jarom refers not to the armies of the Nephites defeating the Lamanites, but directly to
"our kings and our leaders." Mesoamerican warfare directly involved kings and mighty leaders, not just
armies: "Kings did not take their captives easily, but in aggressive hand-to-hand combat." (Schele and
Freidel. A Forest of Kings, p. 143). Once again, Jarom is accurately portraying both the social conditions and
the precise military actions that are known to have prevailed among the Maya, the precise area where the Nephites
would have been under the Sorenson geographical hypothesis (see An Ancient American Setting for the Book of Mormon),
even though our Nephites are much earlier than the societies for which Schele and Freidel give their descriptions.
Nevertheless, the nature of these social and cultural practices are such that they should have change dramatically,
even in the hundreds of years separating our Book of Mormon at this time, and the later Maya. In the preindustrial
ancient society, change did not run at nearly the pace it does for modern man, and social institutions lasting
centuries were much more common anciently.Archaeological: For many years the prevailing scholarly opinion of the Mesoamericans was one of peaceful star-gazers, in no need of fortifications. Therefore the notion that the Book of Mormon should describe fortifications of cities was taken as a proof against the text. However, more recent work has shown that this is no anachronism, and that fortifications fit into the Mesoamerican political framework. In a study of the extant archaeological literature on the subject, it is noted: "Table 2 gives the site counts according to ten chronological periods. Keep in mind again that the numbers are not comprehensive or inflexible since they depend on the accidents of discovery. Because the periods I am using here are purely chronological, they may differ slightly from phase or period attributions in the original sources, for the authors of those use divergent systems of terminology. The numbers reflect the fact that a single site was often used through more than one period. Table 2. Fortified and Defensive Sites by Period Period Definite Possible Early Pre-Classic (pre-1000 B.C.) 0 1 Early Middle Pre-Classic (1000-600 B.C.) 0 2 Late Middle Pre-Classic (600-400 B.C.) 5 1 Late Pre-Classic (400-50 B.C.) 30 2 Proto-Classic (50 B.C.-A.D. 200) 26 8 Early Classic (A.D. 200-400) 14 8 Middle Classic (A.D. 400-650) 11 13 Late Classic (A.D. 650-850) 27 11 Epi-Classic (A.D. 850-1000) 12 10 Post-Classic (A.D. 1000-Conquest) 177 16" ("Fortifications in the Book of Mormon Account Compared with Mesoamerican Fortifications." In Warfare in the Book of Mormon. FARMS. P. 429). The chart gives fortifications for much later periods than the one in which we are currently interested, but it does indicate that fortifications are found for the particular time period Jarom mentions, 386 BC, which falls into the general end of the Late Middle Pre-Classic and the Late Pre-Classic on the above chart. The next interesting point is the increasing frequency of fortification as time goes on, and particular between the earlier time periods and the approximate 400 BC time period where Jarom specifically mentions that they begin to fortify their locations. It is highly probably that these numbers are understating the archaeological case. As was also noted: "After all, it is not easy to identify some sites as fortified. In some cases, archaeologists doing field reconnaissance have reported only hillside "terraces," although further examination has convinced others that these had defensive intent. Nor is it easy to spot moats or ditches that subsequent natural or human actions have obscured, particularly when the features may lie at a considerable distance—even miles—from built-up sites. Walls can be especially hard to detect where the materials from which they were constructed have been carried off for various nonmilitary purposes by ancient or modern peoples. (The potentially ephemeral nature of walls is demonstrated by one built at a comparatively recent date: the Spanish in colonial days forced the Indians to erect a great stone wall enclosing a huge area of the Valley of Mexico to contain the Europeans' cattle. Over two million people worked for four months on the vast project, yet today no traces of it seem to have been identified.)" ("Fortifications in the Book of Mormon Account Compared with Mesoamerican Fortifications." In: Warfare in the Book of Mormon. FARMS, p. 428) Thus Jarom continues to give us, albeit in very few words, a completely believable picture of society in Southern Mesoamerica at this time period. John Sorenson has suggested the Guatemalan site of Kaminaljuyu as a candidate for the city of Nephi (Sorenson, John L. An Ancient American Setting for the Book of Mormon. FARMS, 1985. P. 47). At the time period discussed by Jarom, we find some interesting correspondences to the Book of Mormon account in the archaeology of Kaminaljuyu. "During the Middle and Late Preclassic years (600 BC to 300 AD) religious architecture got of to a good start. Temple-pyramids, which in some cases served also as burial mounds were arranged along both sides of a long rectangular plaza or avenue. Religion was the driving motivation, and all nearby peoples must have contributed heavily, in time and muscle, to the necessary labor force." (Weaver, Muriel Porter. The Aztecs, Maya, and the Predecessors. New York, Harcourt, Brace, and Jovanovich. 1972. p. 81) So far the picture fits with the development of the City of Nephi, with a florescence in the early time period that yet required outside help. As the city grew and prospered, it would be able to command the labor of surrounding areas, and the architectural development would witness that growth. Weaver continues: "The glory and luxury evident at Kaminaljuyu can only signify a high degree of social stratification with wealth, power, and prestige in the hands of an elite few. The trend toward standardization of ritual material and the exclusion of certain artifacts such as figurines from the rich tombs suggests that religion was becoming formalized and rigidly patterned." (Weaver, 1972, p. 83). This also agrees with the analysis presented of the types of social evolution Jacob was dealing with. In the codification of religion Weaver suggests for Kaminaljuyu, I would suggest that it postdates the Nephite presence there, and is rather an outgrowth of the later Lamanite possession of the site. In spite of the general agreement, there is one point on which there may be some difference between the archaeology and the Book of Mormon account: "Apparently there was no fear of outsiders since the sacred or civic centers were located on open valley floors without visible means of protection." (Weaver, 1972, p. 81). While this does contradict Jarom's statements about the fortifications, we need to remember that he mentions them only after the city has been in existence for at least 150-170 years. With subsequent occupations, such fortifications may have been removed when the strong Lamanite presence enters 120 years later. We may also remember that the evidences of such fortifications may be hard to find, and finally, that up to this point, the city has relied upon the strength of its leaders at arms rather than its fortifications. While certainly a caution, it is not a contraindicator for Kaminaljuyu as the plausible site of the City of Nephi. Sorenson summarizes the archaeological evidence for the particular period in which we are currently interested: "The centuries after Nephi and his brother Jacob died are barely described in the Book of Mormon. Neither the scriptural record nor archaeology tells us much about how life went on at that time, but Pennsylvania State University in the late 1960s investigated some remains of the occupation of Kaminaljuyu dating from the third to sixth centuries B.C., the period the books of Enos and Omni represent so briefly. The settlement then was already good sized. The excavators interpret it as having been occupied by several kin groups or lineages (notice Jacob 1:13), each living in a certain sector of the site. The central sacred area at that time seems to have consisted of rows of large burial mounds. These were probably where the elders of the kin groups were buried and honored. This custom basically agrees with the treatment of honored leaders of Israelite kin groups in Palestine when they died. Perhaps during the centuries of warfare and "stiff-neckedness" after Nephi and Jacob died (Enos 1:22-24), the original temple fell into disuse as a center for religious practices, while burial rites for the group's patriarchs were emphasized. At least we hear nothing about the temple between Jacob's day and the time when the Zeniffites reoccupied the land, over 400 years later (Jacob 1:17; Mosiah 11:10, 12; compare Alma 10:2). (Sorenson, John L. An Ancient American Setting for the Book of Mormon. FARMS, 1985. Page 145). Jarom
1:88 And we multiplied exceedingly, and spread upon the face of the land, and became exceedingly rich in gold, and in silver, and in precious things, and in fine workmanship of wood, in buildings, and in machinery, and also in iron and copper, and brass and steel, making all manner of tools of every kind to till the ground, and weapons of war—yea, the sharp pointed arrow, and the quiver, and the dart, and the javelin, and all preparations for war. Jarom produces his
evidence that they were a prosperous people. They had accumulated many valuable items, and their wealth is also
evident in "fine workmanship of wood, in buildings…" Archaeology rarely finds much of the "fine
workmanship of wood" due to the poor preservation conditions in Mesoamerica, but it is certain that any wealthy
center in Mesoamerica displayed that wealth in their public architecture, precisely as Jarom indicates.It is interesting in passing that this particular catalog of weapons of war includes those most common in Mesoamerica, and does not mentions swords, scimitars, or bows. Since those items do show up later in the Book of Mormon, we cannot presume that they were not present here, but simply that for some reason Jarom did not think them important in the catalog of weapons of war. It is possible, as a speculation, that Jarom's listing of the wealth of the people is precisely a catalog of items of value to other Mesoamericans, and therefore the more typical armaments are mentioned as evidence of their acculturation, even in terms of warfare. Jarom
1:99 And thus being prepared to meet the Lamanites, they did not prosper against us. But the word of the Lord was verified, which he spake unto our fathers, saying that: Inasmuch as ye will keep my commandments ye shall prosper in the land. Jarom notes first their
preparations which allowed them to meet and defeat the Lamanites, and secondarily mentions the promise. The promise
comes into effect only upon righteousness, and probably diligence. Jarom correctly notes that their preparation
is of as much importance as the conditional promise.Jarom
1:1010 And it came to pass that the prophets of the Lord did threaten the people of Nephi, according to the word of God, that if they did not keep the commandments, but should fall into transgression, they should be destroyed from off the face of the land. Jarom 1:11 11 Wherefore, the prophets, and the priests, and the teachers, did labor diligently, exhorting with all long-suffering the people to diligence; teaching the law of Moses, and the intent for which it was given; persuading them to look forward unto the Messiah, and believe in him to come as though he already was. And after this manner did they teach them. Jarom 1:12 12 And it came to pass that by so doing they kept them from being destroyed upon the face of the land; for they did prick their hearts with the word, continually stirring them up unto repentance. These three verses
are all the same concept. Jarom is discussing the role and effect of the prophets on the people of Nephi. It is
interesting that he should say that they "threatened" the people. He is indicating the clarity with which
they preached the consequences of falling away from the way of the Lord. The conditional promise was theirs, but
only upon the condition of righteousness. The prophets kept that realization before the people, and by doing so,
the people kept the law.Victor L. Ludlow takes particular note of a phrase in verse 11: "Jarom also recorded an interesting teaching technique of the prophets in verse 11. He said that the prophets and other spiritual teachers of the people taught them to believe in the coming Messiah "as though he already was." This mental association of anticipating something in the future as though it were already present helped the people remember their weaknesses and repent of their sins at that time. Thus further punishments from God were avoided. (Verse 12.) If society today could anticipate Christ's second coming and the reality of the judgment day and resurrection as though they were all happening now, perhaps more people would return to the gospel paths and avoid further divine punishments." (Ludlow, Victor L. "Scribes and Scriptures." In: Studies in Scripture volume 7: 1 Nephi to Alma 29. Provo, Deseret Book. 1987, p. 200). Jarom
1:1313 And it came to pass that two hundred and thirty and eight years had passed away—after the manner of wars, and contentions, and dissentions, for the space of much of the time. Historical:
238 years after the departure from Jerusalem gives us approximately 348 BC. We may assume that Jarom is now near
his death, as he is concluding his record. The noting of the years in verse 13 does not mark the specific events
mentioned in that verse, for Jarom only says that they occurred in the 38 years from his last entry. Jarom appears
to have been in charge of the plates for 59 years. Assuming that he had to have been at least 10 years of age when
he received them of his father, he dies at the age of 69, at least, and probably older. In his longevity he follows
the long lives of Jacob and Enos.Jarom
1:1414 And I, Jarom, do not write more, for the plates are small. But behold, my brethren, ye can go to the other plates of Nephi; for behold, upon them the records of our wars are engraven, according to the writings of the kings, or those which they caused to be written. Jarom notes that he
does not write more because of the constraints of space. Certainly that is beginning to be the case, and the very
short entries of the next several writers will confirm that. However, the last writer does find some room, and
we must suppose that the room existed also for Jarom. He writes little because the wars (apparently one of the
most salient aspects of Nephite society during his lifetime) are available on the other "kingly" records.Sociological: There is a very brief but important note at the end of this verse. Jarom notes that the other plates are "according to the writings of the kings, or those which they caused to be written." This is important because it is a significant shift from the time of Nephi, who kept the records himself as the king. It is likely that his next successor (or two) also kept them personally, but by the time of Jarom the political and social complexity is sufficient that the kings cause them to be written. This is a subtle but unmistakable indication of the increasing complexity and stratification of society (which, as we remember, was a theme against which Jacob had preached). Jarom
1:1515 And I deliver these plates into the hands of my son Omni, that they may be kept according to the commandments of my fathers. Jarom closes his account
by noting that they are passed to his son. This may be the fulfillment of the genealogical aspect of the plates,
though not a very satisfying one for those who would like to flesh out family trees. |
||
| by Brant Gardner. Copyright 1999 |
|
|
 |