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land reform Other recent reformsagricultural economics

Reforms since World War II » Other recent reforms

Attempts to reform the agrarian structure have been made in most other countries, with varying degrees of seriousness. India and Pakistan have concentrated on abolishing intermediaries who prevailed as survivals of traditional and feudal tenures. In India the tenants have become hereditary holders, with the title vested in the state. India has left reform to the states and emphasized peaceful and compensatory methods; hence the results have varied from one state to another. Pakistan, following the revolution of 1958, enacted a reform that made most of the tenants owners. In both countries, however, small-scale farming has persisted, while Pakistan has continued to tolerate and protect owners of up to 500 acres (200 hectares). In neither country has fragmentation been effectively reduced or have capital formation and cultivation methods significantly advanced.

In contrast, after the Communists came to power in China, private ownership was eliminated and the peasants were organized in village communes. Extensive supplementary measures have been tried, and the role and organization of the commune have varied according to the pressures on the economy. The most recent innovation in China’s agriculture has been the “production responsibility system,” which allows the commune to contract with its members for quotas of output; the members are free to sell the surplus on the open market. The change is seen as an incentive generator, but land cannot be rented, bought, sold, or used except as authorized by the commune. The effects of China’s agrarian policy on peasant living conditions and the Chinese economy have been generally accepted as positive, genuine, and impressive.

In 1962 Iran made owners of most of the former sharecroppers, in the classic tradition of Western-type reform, mainly to create political stability. Given Iran’s revolution of 1979, however, the reform evidently was not sufficient to sustain the old social order. Reform was also introduced in Syria, Iraq, Algeria, Libya, and other countries of the Middle East and North Africa following independence or revolution. Most of these reforms were influenced by the Egyptian example, with the state playing a major role. In all cases emphasis has been placed on farm cooperatives, although they have been largely ineffective.

In contrast, tropical Africa has witnessed a wave of innovative reform in recent years. Reform has sometimes come in “packages,” which combine tenure reform and other measures affecting cultivation and productivity. Among the innovations is the “villagization,” or ujamaa, program of Tanzania, according to which a group of families lives, works, and makes decisions together and shares the costs and benefits of farming the land. The program began as a voluntary movement in 1967, but by 1977 it had become almost mandatory. At the same time, “block farming” and individual holdings had become acceptable forms of cooperation. The Ujamaa Villages Act of 1975 made the village the main rural administration and development unit. The most radical reforms in Africa, however, have been those of Ethiopia in 1975 and of Mozambique in 1979. Both vested the land title in the nation and abolished rent, sale, and absentee control of the land. The land was placed in the hands of the tillers, who have guaranteed right of use for themselves and for their descendants. Except in the public sector, farming is a small, family operation with a high degree of equality of landholding but of uncertain efficiency.

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More from Britannica on "land reform :: Other recent reforms"
land reform (agricultural economics)

a purposive change in the way in which agricultural land is held or owned, the methods of cultivation that are employed, or the relation of agriculture to the rest of the economy. Reforms such as these may be proclaimed by a government, by interested groups, or by revolution.

The concept of land reform has varied over time according to the range of functions which land itself has performed: as a factor of production, a store of value and wealth, a status symbol, or a source of social and political influence. Land value reflects its relative scarcity, which in a market economy usually depends on the ratio between the area of usable land and the size of that area’s population. As the per capita land area declines, the relative value of land rises, and land becomes increasingly a source of conflict among economic and social groups within the community.

The patterns of wealth and income distribution and of social and political influence are partly determined by the laws governing land tenure. These laws specify the acceptable forms of tenure and the privileges and responsibilities that go with them. They define the land title and the extent to which the owner can freely dispose of it and of the income accruing from its use. In this sense, the form of tenure determines the wealth and income distribution based on the land: if private ownership is permitted, class differentiation is unavoidable; in contrast, public ownership eliminates such distinctions. The forms of tenure range from temporary, conditional holding to ownership in fee simple, which confers total unencumbered rights of control and disposal over the land.

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