Saturday, August 09, 2008

Paul on Money, Ministry, and Work




N.B. The following is an excerpt from a book I am working on, on Money in the NT. Enjoy.....but take off your bling while reading it :)
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CHAPTER SEVEN: PAUL—ON WORK, REMUNERATION, AND THE LOVE OF MONEY

“The rule is not to talk about money with people who have much more or much less than you.”--- Katherine Whitehorn

There is, especially in some forms of low church Protestantism, a notion that Paul advocated a principle of ministers earning their own living and engaging in raising their own support for ministry. Sometimes this approach is even called ‘tent-making ministry’, based on what Paul says, largely in 1 Corinthians and Acts 20 about supporting himself by making or mending tents, and perhaps other leather goods. Unfortunately, this approach misunderstands almost everything Paul says on the subject of a ‘workman being worthy of his hire’, and this is because of the failure to interpret Paul’s letters in the light of the actual social world and social practices Paul had to deal with. In fact, as we shall see, Paul is quite happy to receive support, so long as it does not involve the entangling alliances of patronage, and so in this, as in so many other things, the problematic situation in Corinth, and Paul’s response to it, should not be taken as indicative of some general principle in regard to minister’s raising their own support. Indeed, 1 Corinthians itself suggests that the congregation had an obligation to give and provide support, but Paul had the freedom to choose to reject that support, and support himself, if he desired to do so.

A. BEARABLE BURDENS AND THE BURDEN OF PROOF

Perhaps the best place to begin a discussion of Paul’s view of money, possessions and remuneration is with what is probably his earliest letter--- Galatians. After promising the Jerusalem Church on one of his visits some time in the 40s A.D. that he would ‘remember the poor’, Paul had embarked on a series of strenuous missionary journeys to plant churches in various places in what we would call Cyprus and Turkey. The letter to Galatians, probably written in A.D. 49 shortly before the Jerusalem Council recorded in Acts 15, discusses a variety of matters of praxis, and our focus must be on Galatians 6.1-10. As it turns out, this material reveals a great deal about Paul’s views on the subjects we are concerned with, and we must attend to this text in some detail, which provides us with the last salvo, the final rhetorical argument in this discourse.

There is a reasonably clear structure to Paul's final argument and it falls into two subdivisions-- 6.1-5 and 6.6-10, the former portion focuses mainly on the Law of Christ, the latter portion on the aphorism about sowing and reaping. There seems to be in this section an alternating between words about corporate responsibilities to one another, and words concerning individual accountability as follows:
6.1a-- corporate responsibility to correct a sinning Christian
6.1b-- individual accountability-- `look to yourself' (you singular)
6.2 -- corporate responsibility to bear the burdens of one another
6.3-5-- individual accountability-- test your own works, bear your own load
6.6-- corporate responsibility to support those who teach
6.7-8-- individual accountability-- how one sows will be how one reaps
6.9-10-- corporate responsibility-- everyone should do good to all, especially to Christians.

Throughout this argument Paul is seeking to give some specificity to his exhortations in the previous argument, making clearer what the Christian life should look like.

The question that affects how we interpret all of this advice is-- How specific is this advice really? Is Paul simply collecting and arranging some general maxims here that he sees as reasonably apt for his convert=s situation, or is this advice more pointed? Without neglecting the spiritual dimension of what is said here, I would suggest that this argument has a social dimension usually overlooked by modern commentators, but it was not always thus. Chrysostom in commenting on this very material not only sees 6.6 as an explicit reference to the financial support of Christian teachers, but sees vss. 7-10 as an expansion of the same idea of giving material aid to others, including especially the household of faith.

In a detailed study, J. G. Strelan has argued at length that the primary subject of discussion in this whole passage is matters financial. In support of this conclusion he argues that if one looks to the Greek papyri and other Greek resources the following comes to light: 1) Prolambanein in 6.1 can refer to money received previously or in advance or money given as a retainer, and paraptwma can refer to an error in the amount of payments; 2) In 6.2 baros is used at least half the time in Paul=s letters to refer to financial burdens, bastazein can mean carry, as in assume someone else=s indebtedness, and anaplhroun often in the papyri means to pay in full, fulfill a contract, make up a debt; 3) in 6.4 dokimazein refers regularly to the testing of the genuineness of metals and coins (cf. Prov. 8.10; 17.3) while ergon is ofen used of trade or commerce (cf. Rev. 18.17); 4) in 6.5 fortion regularly refers to freight, cargo, wares, merchandise; 5) in 6.6 koinwnein can of course refer to sharing a financial burden or material resources in common (cf. Acts 2.42ff; 4.32) while logos can refer to an account or account of expenses (cf. Phil. 4.14-15); 6) in 6.7-8 we have the language of sowing and reaping, and the only other places in Paul that we have this language, the context indicates that money matters are at issue (cf. 1 Cor. 9.10-11; 2 Cor. 9.6); 7) in 6.9-10 the term kairos can refer to the time when a payment is due; 8) to this we may add the argument of J. Bligh that the ‘household of faith= in 6.10 refers to the Jerusalem Christians, to which L W. Hurtado has added the suggestion that 6.10 is about the collection for the Jerusalem church.

This last suggestion can perhaps build on Gal. 2.10 and it would seem strange that Paul simply drops the matter with the passing reference in 2.10. Another example of the fruitfulness of Strelan=s argument can be seen when one pays attention to the fact that 6.3 is connected to 6.2 by means of a gar (for). Unless the term is purely superfluous, then one must posit some connection between ‘bear one another=s burdens' and ‘if anyone thinks he is something...'. Strelan plausibly suggests that Paul has in mind a person who balks at the thought of having to share a common financial burden with persons of lower social status, because of that person=s sense of self importance. "No matter how important a man is or thinks he is, he is not relieved of the obligation to take a responsible share of the work in and for the Lord." Or again there can be seen to be a connection between 6.5 and 6.6, with the latter being a qualification of the former. Christians should carry their own weight financially, but when someone gives a great deal of their own time to the task of teaching fellow Christians, there is an obligation to support such a person. This builds on the notion that Paul has in mind a saying of Jesus in 6.6 (cf. below).

Not all of this evidence is of equal weight, but taken as a whole the case is impressive. One must however bear in mind that Paul is quite capable of using ‘material' language in transferred and spiritual senses, for instance when he uses the various terms and ideas associated with slavery to speak of salvation and of service in the Christian community. Yet Strelan's explanation makes good sense of various aspects of the text, and we shall in part be following his suggestions. This means, that far from offering merely general maxims here, Paul in his concluding argument provides us with some very specific examples of what it means to bear burdens and follow the Law of Christ.

6.1 begins the discussion of this subsection with a conditional statement. The protasis is a third class future more probable condition (ean with a future subjunctive verb), indication a condition that is deemed likely to happen. The apodosis gives clear directions of what to do if and when such a thing happens, but there is an added statement, by way of concession, to guide how the response should be carried out. The verb suggests an unanticipated interruption of an action in progress, not a dealing with an action already completed. Paul is talking about a violation of an existing law of some sort.

Now it is most unlikely that Paul would be offering up hypothetical remarks about the Galatians violating in the future a law code that he has been urging them not to submit to, especially not in this kind of conditional statement that assumes they will indeed be under this law and likely to violate it. Rhetorically that would be to concede the case Paul has been arguing against throughout the letter which is no way to make one=s concluding arguments if one wishes to persuade. We must be dealing here with some sort of law that Paul does see his converts as already under, and in the future, in some danger of violating. There are, it would appear, only two options. Paul is speaking of a transgression against some secular law code or against a code he will mention in this very context-- namely the Law of Christ. Strongly in favor of this last suggestion are the parallels in substance between Gal. 6.1 and the teaching of Jesus found in Mt. 18.15 ‘If your brother sins [against you], go and point out the fault when the two of you are alone. If the brother listens to you, you have regained that one.'

In both Mt.18.15 and in Gal. 6.1 then, we hear about what to do when a follower of Christ is found to be sinning. In both texts the concern is with restoration of the believer, not disciplinary treatment of him or her. What we are going to discover is that Paul in his final argument will begin each division of his argument (vss. 1 and 6) with his own restatement of two of the ‘words' of Jesus. This, in part, must be considered part of what Paul means by the Law of Christ.

There has been considerable debate about what Paul means by ‘you, the spiritual ones'.

Is Paul referring to a particular group of Christians in Galatia? This is unlikely on at least two counts. Firstly, whenever we have had the address ‘you= previously in this letter it has always referred to all Paul=s Gentile converts in Galatia who are the recipients of this letter. Secondly, Paul in this letter has repeatedly spoken of all Christians as having the Spirit (3.2-5, 14; 4.6, 29; 5.5, 16-18, 22-23,25; 6.8) and has emphasized that the Galatians received the Spirit when they were converted, indeed this is what distinguished them or set them apart as and to be Christians (cf. 3.1-5). There may be however a contrast between the ‘transgressor= and the `spiritual ones=, namely all those in the Galatian assemblies not involved in this sinful matter. Paul is saying `though you must watch out, lest any one of you (singular) be tempted.= Paul is reminding the correctors that they too are morally vulnerable and so they must take care lest they get caught up in the same transgression. Gentiles correcting Gentiles in regard to sins that they were both vulnerable to in view of their shared pagan past left no room for any attitude of moral superiority on the part of the correctors.

6.2 should probably not be seen as connected to 6.1 as there are no connecting particles here. Notice that the word ‘one another' is in the emphatic position, stressing the placing of others first. The words ta barē refer to some sort of burden or load. It was not uncommon for it to be a reference to a financial burden (see Sir. 13.2, cf. Neh. 5.18). About half the time in the Pauline corpus the term and its cognates refers to some financial burden (cf. e.g. 1 Thess. 2.5-9; 2 Thess. 3.8; 2 Cor. 12.16), and this is quite possible here as well. It will be remembered that there is the exhortation in the Jesus tradition to ‘give to everyone who begs from you, and do not refuse anyone who wants to borrow from you= (Mt. 5.42), to which one may add the probable allusions to the Jesus tradition in James 2.15-16. We know for a fact Paul was concerned about the burdens of the poor Christians, as Gal. 2.10 shows. It thus possible that Strelan is right about this verse and also its connection with 6.3. On the other hand, it appears to me a stronger case can be made that Paul has a broader reference in mind here, which would include helping fellow Christians financially (see on vs. 6 below), but is not limited to that sort of aid in this verse.

A strong case has been made by R.B. Hays that Paul has in mind here the example of Christ as the ultimate burden bearer. Even if one limits oneself to what Paul says in Galatians about Christ we hear of ‘Christ who gave himself for our sins, so he might deliver us out of this present evil age' (1.3-4), or in 2.20 about ‘the Son of God who loved me and gave himself for me', or in 3.13-14 about Christ who ‘redeemed us out of the curse of the Law by becoming a curse for us' probably alluding to the notion of burden bearing scapegoat. To this we may add the phrase ‘the faithfulness of Jesus Christ' a shorthand way of speaking of his obedience even unto death on the cross in conformity with God's plan that he bear the burden of the punishment for human sin.

Furthermore, account must be taken to the language in Galatians about both Paul and other Christians bearing the image of Christ, even the image of his passion. APaul understands his own life as a recapitulation of the life-pattern shown forth in Christ. The most important text here, of course, is Gal. 2.19b-20: 'I have been crucified with Christ. No longer do I live but Christ lives in me.' In other words, this pattern of burden bearing and self-giving is seen as the essence of what Christ was about and so rightly at the heart of what Paul means when he speaks of the Law (or main principle) of Christ. This exemplary pattern is fleshed out from time to time with the judicious use by Paul of the Jesus tradition as is the case in this very passage. In other words by `the Law of Christ', Paul does not mean Christ=s interpretation of the still binding Mosaic Law, nor even the Torah of the Messiah in some general sense not based in the actual experience of Jesus, including his death on the cross. The apostle who is capable of speaking of two covenants in Galatians, and of a new covenant in 2 Cor. 3 is also perfectly capable of speaking of two different Laws. Christians live in the age of fulfillment of prophecies and of covenants, and in general of all God's plans for humankind.

Vs. 3 may not begin a new subject, but rather may be a further development of what has just been said. Paul is here chastising those who think they are something, but in fact are nothing. This could be a chastisement of those who think they are too good or important for burden bearing. This stands in stark contrast to the pattern of Christ who while he was certainly something and somebody special in Paul=s view, emptied himself and made himself as nothing, taking on the form of the servant (Phil. 2). In other words, Paul is probably here making a not too veiled reference to those who are not following the pattern of Christ in the way they live and behave, those who are basing their estimate of self on the basis of false criteria. The word frenapata is a hapax legomena, not only in the Pauline corpus but in all the NT, nor does it appear in the LXX or any other Jewish writing. It refers to deception, in this case self-deception, and presumably the conceit involved leads a person to be unwilling to bear other people=s burdens, or perhaps being unwilling to shoulder the burden of the shame of the cross (cf. 6.14-15).

It is important to keep in mind both how natural boasting and self- promotion was in an ancient honor and shame culture, and at the same time how counter-intuitive it was to suggest that some one of higher status should actually step down and become a servant of those less well off and more burdened. The pattern of Christ and the message of the cross went against many of the major social assumptions of Greco-Roman culture. Few pagans were eager to take on the jobs of a slave, which of course included various forms of burden bearing.

Vs. 4 shows that Paul indeed operates within a world that had conventions about when and what sort of boasting or self praise was appropriate and what sort was inappropriate. Notice that Paul does not say that no boasting is appropriate, but that one may consider one=s own work a cause for pride, not that of a neighbor's. Notice that Paul here is not talking about the eschatological testing of one's works, but rather of critical self-appraisal.

The question then becomes in vs. 5-- What is Paul referring to when he says that each person must carry their own loads? Does this not contradict what he has just said in vs.2? Is there some reason why Paul uses a different word for ‘burden' here than in vs. 2? First of all, it is not likely Paul would flatly contradict himself in the span of three or four verses. It is even possible to conclude that fortion is a synonym for the word for burden in vs. 2 and still find an explanation for the apparent contradiction between these two verses. One could argue that here Paul is saying that a person who can be self-supporting should not expect others to take care of them, but at the same time if one is able to help bear someone else=s burden who really needs the help, this one should do. In other words the two verses are about the difference between an egocentric imposition on other people=s good will (vs. 5), and the Christian duty, self-sacrificial in character, for Christians to help each other with life=s burdens (vs. 2).

It is possible however that Paul intends a slightly different nuance to `burden' here than in 6.2. The term here seems to have been used less frequently in a metaphorical or non-material sense. For instance, in Xenephon Mem. 3.13.6 the word fortion refers to a soldier=s pack, and it is commonly used in this sense. It is most unlikely that Paul is promoting the Greek philosophical notion of self-sufficiency here in vs. 5. Paul doesn't believe in that idea, he believes in the sufficiency of depending on God. Nearer to the mark about this verse is J.D. G. Dunn when he says that the 'mature spiritual community... is the one which is able to distinguish those loads which individuals must bear for themselves, and those burdens where help is needed.'

If we are meant to see a connection between vss. 5 and 6, with the latter qualifying the former, then another view is possible. I suggest the following hypothesis: 1) the relationship between the word work (ergon) and ‘burden= in vss. 4-5 must be considered. Paul is talking about a persons= own work or gainful employment and how one assesses it; 2) the burden in vs. 5 is indeed a financial one-- each person should carry their own financial weight if at all possible and not be an unnecessary burden on another=s patronage or charity; 3) the exception to this rule is the one offered in vs. 6 which alludes to the teaching of Jesus when he says ‘a worker is worthy of his hire', a saying which Paul draws on in several places to affirm that he, and other evangelists and missionaries, had the right to financial support from the congregations they were or had been serving. These proclaimers could refuse such aid if they wished, but they had a right to it, so they could be freed up to concentrate on sharing the Gospel; 4) ‘all good things' in vs. 6 refers to material support for the teacher given by their disciples 5) the agitators and whoever followed their lead in and teaching about circumcision however were mocking God, sowing unto the flesh and were going to reap the whirlwind in due course; 6) the warning is given to the Galatians lest they follow in the footsteps of the agitators; 7) the Galatians should not weary of doing good of the sort specified in vss. 1-2 and 6 as there will in due course be reward for such and 8) this meritorious doing should concentrate on the household of God, but should also include within its scope everyone. If I am right about the above there is more of a flow of thought to the argument, especially its second part, than is usually thought. We must consider some more of the details of the second half of the argument however at this point.

The second half of the argument, which is connected to the first half by de making vs. 6 a qualification of vs. 5, focuses primarily on matters financial. As with the first half of the argument, Paul will begin with his own paraphrasing of a teaching of Jesus, now applied to his Galatian converts' situation. He says ‘but the one being taught the word should share in common with the one teaching in all good things'. This exhortation is based on the dominical saying found in Lk. 10.7 and expounded on by Paul at some length in 1 Cor. 9.3-14. In that latter text we also have the discussion about being scrutinized or examined by others (9.3), about the right to be supported as teachers of the word (9.6,13-14), and about teachers sowing spiritual good and reaping material benefits (9.11). These parallels must be allowed to have their full weight, and they make it likely that throughout vss. 6-10, Paul is talking about pertinent financial (and spiritual) matters. It is however difficult to know whether Paul here is making a veiled reference to himself, and the Galatians= obligation to support him. This is certainly a topic which comes up regularly in Paul=s letters (cf. 2 Cor. 11.7-11; 1 Thess. 2.9; 2 Thess. 3.7-10; Rom. 15.24; Phil. 1.5, 4.15). Then too, the phrase ‘the good things' comes up elsewhere in the NT with reference to material support or aid or food (cf. Lk. 1.53; 12.18-19).

Is the singular ‘the one teaching' to be taken literally? If so, then a reference to Paul may be meant. The alternative however, and perhaps more likely, is to suggest that Paul has in mind some local Christian teacher or teachers in Galatia that are deemed worthy of the Galatians' support. The reference to ‘good things' here may well prepare us for the concluding exhortation in vs. 10, in which case ‘the good' there is not some vague reference, but alludes back to the `all good things' here, which would include material and financial aid.

Paul quotes, in vs. 7b, what was likely a proverbial saying found in both Greek and Jewish literature (cf. Aristotle, Rhet. 3.3.4; Plato Phaedrus 260D; Job 4.8; Prov. 22.8; Jer. 12.13; Sir. 7.3; Test. Levi 13.6), in order to provide backing or basis for the warning just given. For our purposes what is important to stress is that the only other two places Paul draws on this metaphor, in 1 Cor. 9.10-11 and in 2 Cor. 9.6 financial matters are at issue. This sort of use probably goes back to the discussion in Prov. 22.7-9: ‘The rich man lords it over the poor, the borrower is the lender's slave. He who sows injustice reaps disaster and the rod of anger falls on himself.' Notice too that the exhortation not to grow weary in doing good also shows up in 2 Thess. 3.13 at the end of an exhortation about earning one's own living and not being idle.

If we put all this together the meaning of vss. 7-8 becomes clearer.

Vs. 7b gives us a statement about anyone, including Christians, which Paul then applies in vs. 8 using his flesh- Spirit antithesis. I would suggest that the sowing unto the Spirit which Paul has in mind is the supporting of proper teachers, materially and otherwise. Vss. 6-8 must be read together. In vs. 8 then Paul has contrasted an essentially self-directed act, getting oneself circumcised, with concern for and actions on behalf of others. The former is of the flesh, the latter is of the Spirit. This comports with the overall theme of this section stressing other regarding actions and warning against selfish ones. It also comports with the same sort of discussion of the relationship of present deeds and future destiny in Rom. 2 as we have seen above.

Vs. 9 warns against weariness in doing good, and promises that at the appropriate time in the future a harvest will be reaped by these doers, if they do not give up. Since this verse is connected to vs. 8 by a de we should probably see a qualification here of the preceding remark. This verse like the last suggests the pay off is in the future. The final adverbial participle sets a condition on reaping. It will not happen for individuals, even for Christian individuals, automatically. They must not grow weary of well doing and also they must not give up. Here as elsewhere Paul conjures with the possibility that those currently in Christ might commit apostasy or give up the faith, and so miss out on eternal life and the rest of the eschatological benefits (see 5.3-4). Paul is not saying a person is saved by good works, but he is saying that where there is time and opportunity for doing such things, one will not be saved without them. They are not optional extras in the Christian life.

In vs. 10 Paul will conclude his argument by making a little clearer what he means by sowing unto the Spirit, a little clearer what vs. 9 was meant to imply. ‘Therefore then', here as elsewhere in Paul signals the conclusion and the or a main point of an argument (cf. Rom. 5.18; 7.3;,25; 8.12; 9.16, 18; 14.12, 19; Ephes. 2.19; 1 Thess. 5.6; 2 Thess. 2.15). Its presence here makes quite clear that it is inadequate to see this section as simply individual maxims with little or no connection to one another or with the larger argument of the letter. The qualifier for what follows is ‘as time allows' or `as we have time (and opportunity)'. Paul says that we Christians (both the author and the audience here as in vs. 9) should `work the good to all'. Paul has absolutely nothing against working, or good works, his earlier critique had to do with very specific sort of works-- the works of the Law. Indeed, Paul throughout this whole argument in vss. 1-10 has argued for the necessity of good works by his converts, as well as the necessity of avoiding bad ones. Doing good to all would surely at the very least include charitable works toward the needy and poor. The phrase ‘the good= is not a philosophical term here but must be seen in light of the reference to all good things in vs. 6 and the good in vs. 9. Paul qualifies his final positive exhortation by urging that especial efforts should be made on behalf of the household of faith. Paul has ended with some practical exhortations about what the Galatians ought and ought not to be doing. Far from being vague and purely general maxims, the Galatians are told specifically they are to restore erring Christians, bear one another's burdens, support their teachers, and indeed do good to all, especially to Christians. In all of this they are following the pattern of life and teaching of Jesus, which Paul calls the Law of Christ.

The principles we find here enunciated already in Paul’s earliest letter, will play out in more detail in his subsequently letters. These principles include: 1) Christians should provide for themselves and carry their own financial burdens, and those who will not work should not be expecting to eat, freeloading on the congregation or the congregational meals. This issue is addressed in some detail in 1 Thess. 4.11 (‘mind your own business, work with your own hands…so that you will not be dependent on anybody”) and 1 Thess. 5.14 (“warn the idle”), and 2 Thess. 3.10 (“let those who will not work, not eat”); 2) when there is a need, then the congregational members are expected to step in and bear one another’s burdens, and this is seen as a very specific fulfillment of a commandment of Christ to his disciples. 3) teachers are worthy of financial support, and congregations should expect to support them, though of course the teacher can refuse such support, for a variety of reasons. This leads us quite naturally into discussing what Paul says about the remuneration of ministers in 2 Thess. 3 and 1 Cor. 9

B. REMUNERATION OF MINISTERS—A WORKING HYPOTHESIS

One of the real problems in reading Paul’s letters is anachronism. The assumption is that conditions today are identical to those in Paul’s day so that we do not need to understand the social differences between then and now to understand and then apply the words of Paul. This sort of thinking, when it comes to the issue of money and remuneration of ministers, is particularly flawed because it fails to take into account the ancient systems of patrons and clients, and the problems that accrued when one got enmeshed in the web of duties to a patron. Paul, above all things, needed to remain free wherever he went, to do ministry on his own terms without entangling alliances. If support could be garnered and given without strings attached as acts of pure generosity and without the assumption of reciprocity, well and good. If it could not, Paul then would fend for himself. Paul is carefully navigating around the encumbrances of a reciprocity and patronage culture whilst trying to offer the Gospel of God’s free grace. It was a tricky business, and there were places where people did not understand why Paul did and said what he did and said, when it comes to money and remuneration. Finally, there is the further difficulty of the use of technical language by Paul. Phrases like “send me on my way” or “a relationship of giving and receiving” had quite specific financial overtones (e.g. the former referred to providing traveling funds and supplies, the latter to a parity relationship as opposed to a patronage one). Bearing these things in mind, let us consider what we find in 2 Thess. 3.6-10 and 1 Cor. 9.1-18.

I have argued at length that there were both socially elite and non-elite Christians in Thessalonike, and Paul is not at all happy that some of the latter who have been idle, expecting to be someone’s client so they would not have to do any sort of strenuous work, whether being the client of a Christian or non-Christian patron is not clear. We are not talking here about poor people who are beggars, we are talking about people whom patrons would see as worthy clients, people with prospects and abilities but without patrician or an elite heritage. Paul is concerned that such behavior on the part of Christians is a terrible witness to the world, but by the same token he is not happy with the ‘business as usual’ approach of patrons, including Christian patrons, who expect to enlist their fellow Christians in entangling alliances. In some cases there were Christians who were clients of non-Christian patrons who might well expect them to undertake activities deleterious to their spiritual well being (e.g. attending idols feasts, or offering sacrifices to the Emperor etc.). The reason Paul might well have felt some urgency about this when he wrote 2 Thessalonians was because he was apparently in Corinth and was seeing first hand the morally compromising effects of attending idol feasts on his converts there (1 Cor. 8-10). It was hard to resocialize pagans who had become Christians because of their previous alliances with pagan religion and pagan friends which continued to enmesh them in pagan religious practices.

From stem to stern, 2 Thess. 3.6-12 is about work, and indeed the need of the Thessalonians to follow Paul’s example of working. What had once been a suspicion of Paul’s about the idle in Thessalonike when he wrote 1 Thessalonians had become a confirmed fact by the time he wrote 2 Thessalonians. The disorderly and idle conduct of some had become apparent. These folks were not just being idle, they were ‘out of order’ because they were failing to follow Paul’s example and do the positive things to serve the community that they ought to be doing. Paul makes clear that his personal example had already been part of the received tradition of this church, for as 1 Thess. 2.9 made clear, when Paul first came to Thessalonike he worked hard with his hands both day and night. As a missionary strategy this was particularly smart in Thessalonike and in Corinth because in both these locales there would be a periodic need for tents, because both cities held Olympic style games (in Corinth they were bi-annual).

Paul states here in vs. 9, just as clearly as he does in 1 Corinthians, that he had a right or authority to ask to be supported as a teacher and apostle (cf. below on 1 Cor. 9.3-18, especially vs. 15), but he waived that right so as not to get caught up in patronage relationships, like various of the idle were doing or attempting to do in Thessalonike. The basic principle Paul lived by was the word of Jesus “the laborer deserves his food” or put another way “the workman is worthy of his hire”, but he knew that he had the right to receive such support, especially if it came with the assumptions of patronage. Paul is probably quoting a traditional saying here about “let those who will not work, not eat’ (cf. Gen. 3.9; Gen. Rabbah 2.2 on gen. 1.2; Prov. 10.4). He is addressing those who refuse to work. Vs. 11 involves a clever pun--- the idle are to be busy, not busybodies, being sychophants sponging off others when they are perfectly capable of working. Vs. 12 says these folks must be quiet, settle down, and earn their own food to eat. This reinforces what was said about living quietly, minding one’s own business, and working with one’s own hands. It is telling and interesting that Paul is not as hard here on the idle as he is on the Corinthians who are so clearly misbehaving. Here shunning the idle is advised, there, Paul will even talk of excommunication. We must turn to the Corinthian material now.

1 Cor. 9 is not to be seen as a defense of Paul’s apostolic office, but rather a clear statement that Paul has the right to be supported by his converts. This is perfectly clear from 1 Cor. 9.4ff—the rhetorical question “don’t we have the right to food and drink?” has only one possible answer--- “of course we do.” Paul then uses a series of analogies with soldiers who have a right to expect pay, a vintner who has a right to expect to eat some of his grapes, a goatherd who has a right to expect to drink some of the goat’s milk, and then as a clincher he quotes the example about a ox having a right to eat some of the grain that it threshes, based on Deut. 25.4. This is a from the lesser to the greater kind of argument, whereby Paul is in effect saying if even these sorts of workers have a right to expect remuneration or payback of some sort for their work, how much more a minister of the Gospel. In vs. 12 however there is a turn in the argument.

After having established clearly that Paul has a right to be remunerated, he then turns around and stresses he has a right to refuse pay, refuse support of various sorts. The reason he does not do so in Corinth is said to be “avoidance of hindering the Gospel”. What is he talking about? He is referring to the culture of paid teachers/philosophers/rhetoricians who accepted patronage or pay for their proclamations or teaching, and thereby were viewed as ‘compromised’ or ‘bought and paid for’ and likely to say anything to please the patron or paying audience. Corinth, it must be remembered was a Roman colony where Roman patronage relationships were numerous as it was a boomtown in the A.D. 50s. Yet having said what he does in vs. 12, he turns around once more and then stresses again that he, like a priest at the altar, or even a temple servant in the temple, had a right to share in what was offered on the altar. 1 Cor. 9.14 states emphatically “the Lord has commanded that those who preach the Gospel should get their living from the Gospel.” What then could possibly have caused Paul not to accept remuneration in Corinth, is the proper question to ask. Not, “Does Paul think ministers have a right to be paid?’ In other words, he must provide a rationale for not accepting remuneration, so much is it a matter of course that Jesus’ dictum should be followed. But if Paul preaches and gets paid, then it is a matter of services rendered and there is nothing to brag about and no reward for work which is compulsory. Paul however wants to have the honor of offering the Gospel freely so he will have something to boast about. Is this just Pauline hubris in over-drive? Well, no, there is more to it than that. And the ‘more’ can be seen in the word hinder. Preaching for pay would have hindered the Gospel of God’s free grace in Corinth, and that is no good at all. Paul knew perfectly well that he would have been seen as just another hired gun caught up in the reciprocity cycle, teaching or discoursing for pay whose words whilst interesting, could be seen as rhetorical hyperbole or even entertainment at best. So in Corinth, he eschewed his rights to be remunerated for a specific reason. Like many another group of young Gentile converts, the Corinthians had not yet grasped the concept of giving with no thought of return, or free grace, or true self-sacrifice.

What then should be made of the clear evidence that Paul accepted money and support from congregations which he was not presently visiting? This is clear from both 2 Cor. 11.8-9 and also from Phil. 4.14-16. Firstly, though Paul had accepted regular support from the Philippians, there is no evidence this was the product of a patron-client relationship, like that which was on offer in Corinth, and which Paul refused. Rather Paul characterizes his relationship with the Philippians as a relationship of ‘giving and receiving’, that is a parity relationship (cf. Acts 16.15 to Phil. 4). Paul could receive support at a distance because there was no danger of anyone taking that as a patronage relationship. Temporary hospitality was fine, and Paul did rely on that in various cities (see e.g. Rom. 16 which indicates that Phoebe in Cenchreae had provided such support for Paul, and see Lydia in Philippi in Acts 16).

To fully understand the dynamics here, one must understand as well that Jews in general did not have the same disdain high status Gentiles did when it came to manual labor. Paul saw no shame in being a leatherworker, though various of his higher status converts may have done so. But what is interesting about the discussion in 1 Cor. 9 is that Paul couches his discussion in the terms a high status person would. He is talking about stepping down the social ladder, consenting to be considered more vile by working with his hands and so on. This is the language of a high status person who feels he has the freedom to forego his rights as such a person, indeed forego some of his rights as a well educated Roman citizen. This is exactly what a verse like 1 Cor. 9.9 suggests—Paul submitted to being a slave to all, just as his master had done, thereby deconstructing the social hierarchies in play in the contexts in which he operated. This had to anger or mystify various of his high status converts in Corinth, folks like Erastus the city treasurer mentioned in Rom. 16.

What should we conclude from all this interesting and complex material? Can we conclude that tent-making ministry is some sort of norm that Paul would require of other ministers, including ministers who are not even remotely in the social situation Paul is responding to? Certainly not. Should we conclude that Paul despite protesting that ministers deserve to be paid, in the end takes it all back? Again, certainly not. We already saw how he insisted in other circumstances on the Galatians providing financial support for their local teachers. Should the practice of freely choosing to refuse a salary or support be turned into some sort of norm for modern ministers, or some sort of higher calling for those who really heroically want to follow the example of Paul? Again the answer must be no, because Paul is simply doing this because of the social hindrances created in Corinth by accepting patronage or support. In other circumstances he was perfectly happy to receive support, so long as it did not involve any entangling alliances that hinder the offer of the Gospel freely to all. And this juncture it will be in order to turn to a discussion of what Paul has to say about the love of money, and the things it can buy.



C. FOR THE LOVE OF MONEY AND BLING

There can be little question that Paul had a strong objection to doing ministry for mercenary reasons. The use of godliness for financial gain is something he very clearly warns against repeatedly, and says is a characteristic or the telltale sign that one is dealing with a false teacher. We see this sort of critique of false teachers in 1 Tim. 6.2-5, and it leads to one of the more important discussion about money in the NT found in 1 Tim. 6.6-10. It is important however to bear in mind that the context is a discussion about the traits of false teachers and how to recognize them. With warrant we must look closely at what Paul says in these verses which have been so often emended, distorted, or simply ignored in modern times.
Paul warns in 1 Tim. 6.6 about the dangers of avarice, and he does so by mentioning a principle he has enunciated before in Phil. 4.13—godliness with self-sufficiency is great gain (cf. 1 Tim. 4.8). Thus Paul in a sense agrees—there is great profit in true religion, but not of the sort the false teachers had in mind (cf. Seneca, Epist. 108). A great deal has been made of Paul’s use of autarkeias which is of course a key term in Cynic and Stoic thought and refers to the ideal of being self-sufficient or independent (cf. Epicetetus, Dis. 3.13.7; Marcus Aurelius, To Himself 6.16). Its literal meaning is ‘self-rule’ or ‘self-sufficiency’ (cf. 2 Cor. 12.9 where indeed it means sufficiency; Josephus, Ant. 12.294; 2 Macc. 5.15; 4 Macc. 6.28). Some have therefore sought to translate the word ‘contentment’ here to distinguish what Paul is teaching from Cynic-Stoic teaching, not least because Paul believes in God-sufficiency not self-sufficiency, and this is a possible meaning of the term.

Paul is referring to someone who is content with having the necessities of life and has found their sufficiency in God, according to this line of reasoning, which makes good sense. But one must bear in mind that Paul is engaging in polemics here, and what Paul is polemicizing against is a person being addicted to desires and cravings which in fact run that person’s life. He is talking about a person out of control or not self-controlled. Such a person is dependent on the next ‘fix’ in this case of money or profit to feed that need. Paul contrasts such a person, which Paul indicates is what the false teachers are like, to a person who is not a slave to their cravings, but rather is happy with having their basic needs met. Here we have an enthymeme, a syllogism with a suppressed premise, which can be laid out as follows:

1) People with corrupt minds (addicted to arguing, made sick by controversies) think religion/godliness is a means of financial profit.
2) But in the process they themselves are deprived/robbed of the truth
3) [The end result is the opposite of their aim]
4) For paradoxically it is true that godliness/true religion with self-rule/independence is greatly profitable, though not in the way ‘such people’ have in mind.
5) Because we brought nothing into this world with the result that we can take nothing out of it when we leave.

The mature Christian person is not enslaved to one passion or another, in this case the passion for money or profit. Independence is contrasted with slavery here and more to the point godliness with independence or self-control is contrasted with ungodly desires such as avarice which leads to slavery and a manipulative using of religion to feed that hunger or pining. A truly godly person is free from, or at least not enslaved to such pining or addictions. Paul then is drawing on Hellenistic ideas here, but giving them a Christian spin. He does not agree with the Stoic notion of self-sufficiency, but he does believe that true religion sets a person free from various addictions and cravings.

Independence from needing riches and possessions and luxury is based on the premise that we didn’t bring anything with us into the world and we can’t take any of it with us out of this world. Again a popular maxim is likely being cited, which is not intended to be over-pressed, but to help provide a warrant for the enthymeme here. We note the parallel in Job 1.21 “I came naked from my mother’s womb and naked I shall return” or more closely “the LXX of Eccles. 5.14 “As he came from his mother’s womb he shall go again, naked as he came and shall take nothing from his toil, which he may carry away in his hand” (see also Wis. Sol. 7.6; Seneca, Epist. 102.25). The point is that we don’t really own the things we have in this world, they are not so much possessions as things we hold in trust for the real owner--- God, and things we are to be good stewards of. We should not try to find our sufficiency or worth in things that did not bring us into the world and give us life, and will not in the end make death avoidable or get us to heaven. It would not have been obvious to all pagans that ‘you can’t take it with you’ for many ancient religions, for example Egyptian ones, did believe you could take things with you into the afterlife. Vs. 8 will further emphasize the point by indicating that we shall be content with sustenance and a ‘covering’ which could refer to clothing or to a roof over one’s head (cf. Aristotle, Politics 1336A on the former meaning and Aristotle, Metaphysics 1043A on the latter). This saying too is a maxim (cf. Sir. 29.21; Plutarch, Dinner of Seven Sages 12).

“But those desiring/wishing to be rich (notice it does not say they are already rich) fall into a serious temptation and snare, desiring much that is senseless and harmful which harms one now and in the end plunges one into endless ruin and eternal destruction.” Notice the similarity between the phrase ‘wishing to be rich’ and ‘wishing to be teachers of the Law’ (1.7). This rhetorical effect or echo suggests that Paul is referring to the same people with both phrases. We may compare the teaching about the rich man and Lazarus in Lk. 18 here. Such teaching would be unneeded here if there were no high status persons in the congregation who had wealth and might enrich the coffers of the false teachers.

Vs. 10 must not be mistranslated especially since it is the most often quoted and misquoted line from the Pastoral Epistles (cf. e.g the RSV which makes the mistake of putting the definite article before ‘root’). In the Jewish moral tradition it was not uncommon to speak of root vices. For example, Philo speaks of desire, inequality, pride, and falsehood all as vices which spawn other vices (cf. Dec. 5 and 173; Special Laws 1.121; Contemp. 39). Our text says that the love of money (not money itself) is a root, not ‘the root’ of every kind or all sorts of evil (not all evil). It is not being said that greed is the origin of all evils in the world, nor is money itself the problem.

Here we seem to be dealing with a common maxim once more. Bion says “Love of money is the mother-city of all evils” (cited in Diogenes Laertius, Lives of Eminent Philosophers 6.50 cf. on the idea Stobaeus, Eccl. 3; Test. Jud. 19.1; Didorous Siculus 21.1; Philo, Special Laws 4.65). It is noteworthy that there was a frequent critique of Sophists and indeed all sorts of for-hire teachers and rhetors and philosophers that they taught in order to become wealthy (Dio Chrysostom, Oration 54.1). Thus the false teachers are slotted into this category of teacher. It is noteworthy that Jesus also critiqued such teachers when he warns to beware of scribes (theological teachers who are experts in the Law) who bilk wealthy widows (Mk. 12.38-40). One wonders if there is such a connection between the false teachers and the widows, perhaps especially the younger ones in the Pastorals. Once again we have an enthymematic form of syllogism with a suppressed premise as follows:

1) Those wishing to get rich fall into a snare.
2) Such harmful wishes and desires lead to ruin or destruction.
[3) One such desire or craving is greed]
4) For the love of money is a root of all sorts of evil.

Here again the maxim serves as the warrant or clincher in the argument which proves the point. Throughout this section it is necessary always to keep in mind the way the rhetoric of wisdom literature works. It provides general principles or ‘truths’ often in colorful or memorable and figurative wording and it presupposes a rather specific religious and social context for it to hold true. Sometimes it deliberately involves rhetorical hyperbole, for instance in the maxim above which could even be translated ‘the love of money is a root of every kind of evil’. If this is the correct translation, and it may well be in view of the emphatic position of the word ‘root’, then it is in order to point out that the rhetorical function of hyperbole is to dramatically emphasis something, drawing attention to it and trying to inculcate a strong positive response in the audience, in this case to urge them to avoid avarice. Such polemical maxims are not meant to be taken absolutely literally.

A good example of how this sort of sapiential rhetoric works (and of its hyperbolic nature) can be seen in Chrysostom’s comment on this very passage:
What evils does it not cause! What fraudulent practices, what robberies! What miseries, enmities, contentions, battles! Does it not stretch forth its hand even to the dead, even to fathers and brothers? Do not they who are possessed by this passion violate the laws of nature and the commandments of God? In short everything? Is it not this which renders our courts of justice necessary? Take away the love of money, and you put an end to war, to battle, to enmity, to strife and contention. (Hom. 17 on 1 Tim.).

It is the attitude towards money that is being critiqued in this verse. For if we love things like money and use people to get them, we have exactly reversed the way God intends for us to operate. Things are not capable of love or carrying on a love relationship with a human being. It is in the end a form of idolatry, and of trying to find our life, support, sufficiency in something other than God. This part of the discourse most resembles the Lukan form of Jesus’ teaching on the foolishness and dangers of the love of money (cf. Lk. 6.20,24; 9.23-25;12.22-34; 14.25-33; 16.13) and one could even see Lk. 12.15,21 as commentary on this discussion: “Take heed and beware of all avarice; for a person’s life does not consist in the abundance of his possessions…so is he who lays up treasure for himself and is not rich toward God.”

Paul adds that this sort of sick love has led some away from the faith and then in essence, (using a dramatic metaphor) they have become like a creature who has impaled itself on a spit over an open fire causing itself no end of agony. Once again the theme of apostasy surfaces, possibly even with an allusion to Hell here and eternal destruction. It is noteworthy that there is a stress in this section as elsewhere in this letter on the connection between intellectual error and moral deterioration. Paul and Luke will characterize the greedy person as being both mentally and morally unwell. But Paul does not just talk about money, he also talks about the love of luxury and bling.

Certainly one of the most controversial of all Pauline texts is 1 Tim. 2.8-15. For our purposes here we only need deal with the first few verses that are part of a correction of male and female behavior in worship. The passage begins in vs. 8 with a correction of men—they are to lift up hands in prayer without anger or argument. This suggests a situation where we are dealing with men vying for the privilege of praying in the congregation, or there is some sort of honor and shame rivalry situation. We are to see this instruction as a continuation of the previous remarks on offering prayer for all people including rulers. Notice the reference to ‘in every place’ which would seem to refer to in every meeting place or house church, though elsewhere in Paul the phrase can have a wider reference (but cf. 1 Cor. 1.2; 2 Cor. 2.14; 1 Th. 1.8). It is interesting that standing (the normal Jewish prayer posture) and raising hands in prayer is a practice regularly referred to in earlier and contemporary Jewish sources ( Ex. 9.29; Ps. 27.2; Lam. 3.41; 1 Kngs. 8.22,54; Neh. 8.6; Is. 1.15; 2 Macc. 14.34; Philo, Flacc. 121; Virt. 57; Josephus, Ant. 4.40), but we do not find this referred to outside the Pastorals in Paul. What we do find is examples of lifting up hands in Lk. 24.50 (cf. Lk. 18.13). R. Joshua ben Levi taught that a priest that does not lift up hands in prayer is not to raise his hands in blessing either (B.T. Sotah 39a). Open hands were a sign of petition or of reaching out to God in need.

The hands are characterized as holy hands, and presumably this is seen as the opposite of the anger and argument mentioned. This phrase is not uncommon. For example in Josephus we find the phrase ‘uplifting pure hands’ (War 5.380), or in Sencea “to raise pure hands to heaven” (Nat. Ques. 3 , Preface 14 cf. Athenagoras, Leg. 13.2 cf. 1 Clement 29.1). Holiness excludes such contentious behavior, especially in worship. We may suppose, since there are false teachers in this social context, that there were some divisive forces at work in these house churches, and Paul is trying to mend that situation. Notice how in Tit. 1.7 the overseer is expected to be a person who is not quick to get angry. We may compare texts like 1 Pet. 3.7 and Jam. 1.19-20 which indicates that anger gets in the way of righteousness, and would be one of the factors inhibiting or interfering with one’s prayers. The contentious situation reflected in this verse should likely be related to the problems of the false teachers (cf. 1 Tim. 1.3; 4.7; 6.3-4, 20; 2 Tim. 2.16-17, 23), some of whom may well have been women or at least had influenced some high status women, hence the correction in the following verses.

We must take seriously the word hosautos which begins vs. 9, and means ‘likewise’. This suggests that Paul is envisioning women praying as well, and he wishes them to do it with the same decorum or holiness as the men must. Notice that gunaikas is without the definite article here which implies women in general not just wives. The word katasole refers to demeanor in both its inward and outward sense (cf. Josephus, War 2.8.4). Women are to be clothed outwardly in modest and non-distracting clothing and inwardly by self-respect and modesty. The phrase meta aidous means ‘with (self) respect’ normally, although there are texts where it can have the sense of with religious awe (Josephus, Ant. 6.262; Philo, Gaius 352). Philo tells us that this was a virtue expected to be typical of women (Vit. Mos. 2.234; Contemp. 33; Flaccus 89). Modesty, self-control, piety, and self-respect are virtues regularly touted and attributed to women in this era in this culture.
If we do not read vs. 9 as a continuation of the instructions about prayer in vs. 8, then the reference to women’s adornment seems to be an unmotivated digression. Chrysostom in fact concluded, in my judgment rightly, that we must insert the main verb again so that the text reads in essence ‘likewise [I desire] women also to pray being adorned in modesty and holy fashion’ Chrysostom puts it this way: “Equally with men, women are called to approach God without wrath or doubting, lifting up holy hands…Paul however requires something more of women, that they adorn themselves ‘in modest apparel, with self respect and sobriety’” (Hom. 8 on 1 Tim.). This conclusion has important implications for how we are to read 1 Tim. 3.11 where once again we have the phrase gunaikes hosautos where the conversation is surely about deaconesses, not the wives of deacons. This is where we note that our passage says nothing about women being completely silent, and indeed if we are right about the connection of vss. 8-9 they are expected to speak, at least during the prayer time.

The issue seems to be some kind of teaching in worship in the verses that follow.
Vs. 9 of course goes on to speak of dress and jewelry, and there is good reason to think Paul has something particular in mind. J.B. Hurley puts it this way: “He refers…to the elaborate hair-styles which were fashionable among the wealthy, and [perhaps] also to the styles worn by courtesans. The sculpture and the literature of the period make it clear that women often wore their hair in enormously elaborate arrangements with braids and curls interwoven or piled high like towers and decorated with gems and/or gold and/or pearls. The courtesans wore their hair in numerous small pendant braids with gold droplets or pearls or gems every inch or so, making a shimmery screen of their locks.” One needs to envision the scene in an evening Christian worship meeting in a relatively small space with many lamps lit. In this situation hairstyles with reflective items in it such as gold or pearls would be a regular distraction from the proper focus of worship.

Paul then is not just arguing here for modest apparel but he is arguing against ostentatious, flashy and distracting apparel. This goes against the rules of modesty, discretion, propriety or sobriety which were to apply to everyone in worship, especially when meeting in close quarters. To some degree this critique of women’s apparel is like the critique we find in Juvenal Satire 6 or Plutarch, Moralia 141E, but we could also point to T. Reub. 5.5—“accordingly order your wives and daughters not to adorn their heads and their appearances so as to deceive men’s sound minds.” It is right to note, that only women who had slaves or hairdressers to help them, which is to say more high status women, could have the sort of elaborate hairdos Paul is referring to here. Once more we have the stress on sophrosyne. This Greek term suggests prudence, temperance, discretion, soundness of judgment, and self-control, the Greek ideal of behavior (see e.g. Aristotle, Niceomachean Ethics 3.10-12).

Women are called at the end of this verse to do what is fitting for women who profess to worship God through good works. Fitting deportment in worship was crucial for both men and women not only because other Christians would be watching but also since this was the main time when they might invite non-Christian friends to come and be a part of the Christian meeting (see e.g. 1 Cor. 14.23).

AND SO?

What have we learned from our all too cursory treatment of the relevant Pauline material for our discussion. Firstly, we have learned that Paul deliberately inculcated an approach to Christian life which did not involve conspicuous consumption, ostentatious dress, and a lavish lifestyle. Rather he inculcated a lifestyle of godliness with contentment. The ‘lifestyles of the rich and famous’ are seen as a positive hindrance to Christian moral integrity, not to mention a taking of food and clothing from the poor. Greed, the love of money, is seen as a root of all kinds of evil and it is to be avoided at all costs by the Christian, especially by the Christian minister, for Paul is addressing his co-worker Timothy particularly in 1 Tim. 6. Equally to be avoided is a mercenary motive for doing ministry.

On the issue of work, Paul believes in hard work whole-heartedly, indeed he frequently brags about his work regimen (see e.g. 2 Cor. 11). He disagrees with other high status persons who look down their noses at manual labor. And Paul has nothing but correction for the idle who refuse to work, saying that if that is their posture Christians should shun them, they should not get to partake of the fellowship meals indeed as a rule—let those who will not work, not eat! Free grace does not mean a free ride for freeloaders. Here Paul particularly has in mind those who are likely candidates to be clients of well known patrons.

It is clear that one cannot really understand what Paul has to say about ministry and remuneration unless one understands the tricky situation in a patronage and reciprocity culture that Paul found himself in. In general Paul believes a congregation has an obligation to pay its teachers or ministers, but the minister may exercise his right or freedom to refuse pay for various reasons. This however does not get the church off the hook when it comes to their obligation to offer remuneration for ministerial work. Paul in fact believes that Jesus commanded that ministers should be paid for the proclamation of the Gospel. But entangling alliances and compromising social relationships must be avoided, and the Gospel must not be seen to be an example of flattery or mere rhetoric offered by a for-hire sophist.

Paul is not an advocate of what modern persons call tent-making ministry, if by that one means that church planters or missionaries should expect to have to work on the side or raise their own support whilst doing ministry. They may do so, as Paul does in Corinth and apparently in Thessalonike, but 1 Cor. 9 rules out the view that they necessarily should or must do so. If they choose to go this root, it needs to be for the right reasons, not because it assumed that the NT suggests we should not have paid ministers. To the contrary, argues Paul, churches should expect to pay their ministers. What is interesting and ironic about all this is that the very document which is assumed to most argue against paid ministers (1 Corinthians) is the very document which provides the clearest rationale for why congregations should expect to pay a Paul or a Peter or a Timothy or Titus, or whoever their local teachers (see Gal. 6) might be. In our next chapter we will examine the Johannine critique of the Roman economy and its relationship to the powers that be, including Mr. 666.

Thursday, August 07, 2008

Honey I Blew up the Church-- Let's Hit the Beach





O.K., I did not see this story coming. It seems that in a desperate attempt to capture the Italian beach going public in August, nuns and priests are now transporting an inflatable 'convent', which blows up to 98 feet in length (now that's a lot of hot holy air) to the beach where persons can come and make confession whilst Christian musicians are luring them in with Christian tunes (I'm thinking they are singing in Italiano "I was sinking deep in sin, far from peaceful shore....").


The link is http:www.msnbc.msn.com/id/26057763/?GT1=43001

I'm trying to imagine the confessions-- "Forgive me Father for I have sinned, I just looked at a nearly naked woman on the beach, oops, I just looked at another nearly naked woman on the beach right next to the door of the inflatable church... oops......"

Accordingly to the article there will be 'night time activities in the inflatable convent from 10 p.m. to 1 a.m. NOT INCLUDING MASS'. O.K..... besides singing and confessions what might be going on in the blown up church? Inquiring minds want to know. Well it seems they will be saying the rosary (see below).

It seems that people were blown away by the first attempt at this on Sardinia a couple of weeks back--- well actually the church had to abort itself as strong winds blew away the blow up church! Back to the drawing board.

Undaunted various nuns are excited about their new beach ministry. Here is a small quote from the Reuters article:

"On the Mediterranean coast, nuns from a convent near the southern Italian city of Naples have relocated to beach cabins to join holidaymakers saying the rosary. An adjoining altar was set up under two tents. [sounds like an in-tents ministry effort to me]

"The concept of a beach-convent is something that is appreciated by vacationers and the nuns themselves," priest Antonio Rungi, who helped spearheaded the initiative, told Italian news agency ANSA."

---

O.K. so now I am thinking what about an inflatable seminary at Myrtle Beach. We could do classes in recreational theology, beach ministry, practice being angels by para-sailing and could sing multiple choruses of "Michael row the boat ashore..." Anyone ready to enroll?

Wednesday, August 06, 2008

The Voices in Rock n' Roll Heaven





It’s a sad truth, but nonetheless a truth, that the rock and roll era is mostly over, after a half a century of changing the landscape of popular music. I was fortunate enough to be along for the full ride, doing a lot of work in record stores, and going to a ton of great concerts. I have often been asked who were the greatest rock and roll vocalists. Before I give my Top Twelve list, I want to make clear from the outset that I am not considering the many wonderful folk singers of the period, nor the blues singers, nor the straight soul singers, nor the purely pop singers. I am talking about real rock and roll voices here. So with those caveats, here’s my short list in no particular order. Enjoy.

1) Robert Plant of Led Zeppelin
2) Roger Daltrey of the Who
3) Mick Jagger of the Rolling Stones
4) Freddie Mercury of Queen
5) Steve Perry of Journey
6) Sting of the Police
7) Janis Joplin of Big Brother and the Holding Company
8) Nancy Wilson of Heart
9) Lou Gramm of Foreigner
10) Daryl Hall of Hall and Oates
11) Gino Vanelli
12) Lennon and McCartney of the Beatles
13) Bono of U2--- Bonus Artist!

Almost all of these artists I heard in person, and up close. And in their prime they were unbelievable, and sustained it for a considerable period of time. Some of them, are still very good. If the issue was just who has the very best voice and range and power honestly it would be hard to pick but probably would be Gino Vanelli, whether or not one liked his style of music If we were to add the folk rockers and the art rockers to this list and not just limit it to the hard rockers one would need to add the following:

1) Crosby, Stills and Nash
2) James Taylor
3) Dan Fogelberg
4) Richic Furay of both Buffalo Springfield and Poco
5) Don Henley of the Eagles
6) Justin Hayward of the Moody Blues
7) Joan Baez
8) Joni Mitchell
9) Shawn Colvin
10) Annie Haslim of Rennaisance

There are of course others who deserve honorable mention, persons who had great voices but never with bands that had more than one good album. I am thinking of people like Paul Rodgers (Free, Band Company), or Paul Carrack (Mike and the Mechanics, etc) or Burton Cummings of the Guess Who. The issue in this post is great voices, not great bands. Who would you add to or subtract from the list? In any case--- rock on dudes.

Lost and Found-- a Student critique of Ehrman's 'Lost Christianities'





The following is a seminar paper presented by one of my doctoral students which I thought was a useful critique of Bart Ehrman's popular work on 'Lost Christianities.
BW3


ALTERNATIVE VIEWS OF CANON AND CULTURE:
AN ANALYSIS OF EHRMAN’S LOST CHRISTIANITIES


SUBMITTED TO DRS. WARREN SMITH AND BEN WITHERINGTON
IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF
NT805—THE EARLY CHURCH FATHERS
AND THE FORMATION OF THE CANON








BY
BRAD JOHNSON
JULY 26, 2008

Had Jesus of Nazareth left an autobiographical account of his life, teachings, and ministry, there would be perhaps no need for the Gospel accounts and other writings of the NT as we have them today. In the absence thereof stands instead an ongoing debate over the authenticity and accuracy of alternative (and oftentimes competing) accounts of the Jesus Event. This begs a foundational question: are all accounts valid? Further, what constitutes the basis for such determinations? An initial foray into the arena of canon formation and criteria reveals a lack of precise consensus not only on what the criteria for canonization were and are, but also as to the method of preserving the history of that canon.
In Lost Christianities, Bart Ehrman sets out to examine the NT documents themselves, and more specifically, to bring to light some of the various documents that failed to reach canonical status. Suggesting that there may in fact be value in resurrecting these ancient writings, he embarks on a journey that examines the trail of remains of written sources from—along with the extinct manifestations of—early Christianity in an effort to demonstrate their role in preserving the Christian heritage and its diverse history of theology and practice. He argues that the ongoing commitment to a closed NT canon of twenty-seven documents is in reality not only a product of the hegemony of the orthodox tradition emerging from the fourth century, but perhaps also an incomplete and inadequate account of early Christianity and the diversity of forms representing it. Recent discoveries (such as the Nag Hammadi documents) create opportunities, he maintains, for understanding ancient and contemporary Christianity in new ways.
Ehrman’s approach is built around the following methodology. The first part examines a number of pseudepigraphical writings which “tell us about the various forms of Christian faith and practice in the second and third centuries” (ix). By appealing to a broader range of writings, argues Ehrman, a richer and more diverse composite sketch of early Christianity can be discerned. The second part looks at a number of rival social groups standing in contrast to a particular form of Christianity that eventually carried the day. These groups represent various points on a theological spectrum, and generate the tensions Christianity experienced with Judaism on one hand, and pagan philosophy on the other. The third part addresses the conflicts that ensued between the various groups and belief sets, illustrating “how one early Christian group established itself as dominant in the religion, determining for ages to come what Christians would believe, practice, and read as sacred Scripture” (ix). The conclusion of the book offers Ehrman’s reflections on the status quo of the NT canon alongside non-canonical documents.
Embedded in his methodology is a three-fold argument advanced along the following lines. First, he makes a literary argument addressing pseudonymity and its role in canon formation. Second, he develops an historical argument that indicates how one particular form of Christianity emerged as dominant. Third, he packages his overall presentation within an ethical argument, addressing the need for religious tolerance amid diversity. The flow of these arguments is to a large degree linear: the literary argument is a subset within the historical argument, which in turn is a subset of the ethical argument. The aim of this paper is to assess and analyze these arguments as they impinge upon alternative views of Christianity, their sacred texts, and the cultures created by those texts.
1: The Literary Argument. Ehrman begins his discussion by highlighting the significance of alternative early Christian communities and documents, noting the impact of recent textual discoveries like those from Nag Hammadi. He highlights several texts, but none is featured as prominently as the Coptic Gospel of Thomas. About this particular text Ehrman says:
[It is a] remarkable document, an ancient forgery condemned as heretical by early proto-orthodox Christians and lost or destroyed, until the remarkable discovery of the Gnostic library in Upper Egypt, near Nag Hammadi, preserved now for us as the secret sayings of Jesus, which, if rightly understood, can bring eternal life. (65)

In so saying, Ehrman displays a sympathetic affinity for the document, especially as it sits in the shadow of the larger orthodox structure. Calling Thomas a “forgery,” Ehrman is really highlighting the pseudepigraphical character of the work, which, by so doing, heightens the interest of and rapport with his primary audience: the non-academic community.
Clearly acknowledging the pseudonymity of the document, Ehrman delivers a pre-emptive strike to his detractors by candidly accepting the chief criticism lodged against the Gospel of Thomas: namely, that it is not Thomas’ writing. Nevertheless, he counters, such should not be a reason for overlooking this document given the apparent “forgeries” currently located within the NT canon. Specifically, he states that the “author of 2 Peter [for example] explicitly claims to be Simon Peter, the disciple of Jesus, who beheld the transfiguration (1:16-18)” (11). In the following sentence, he then adds, “But critical scholars are virtually unanimous that it was not written by him.” Thus, he insists, “forgery” (as a literary judgment) “by rights should cover some of the New Testament books as well, including the letter of 2 Peter” (11).
It should be noted that Ehrman does not use the term “forgery” in the typical pejorative sense to which his readership may be accustomed, but invokes it as a means of avoiding the technical complexity and nuance of “pseudepigrapha,” which, he maintains, “is typically taken to refer only to the noncanonical books that claimed, and sometimes received, scriptural standing...” (11, emphasis his). He does, however, differentiate between acceptable and non-acceptable uses of the literary tactic. Decidedly unaccepted usages of “forgery” would be those which,
are as artificial as one can imagine and are useful chiefly in revealing the gullibility even of modern readers. They tend to be the stuff of supermarket tabloids and are valuable in showing that there are still forgers in our midst who have no qualms about fabricating complete lies, even about their own religion, or order to make a splash and possibly get across their point of view. Or, at least, to earn some royalties. (68)

The question then becomes: if some of the NT documents are “forgeries,” why is the Gospel of Thomas not afforded the same authority as, say, 2 Peter? The answer, he says, lies in an altered perspective on history.
2: The Historical Argument. The establishment of the NT in the fourth century as an exclusive canon of twenty-seven books, he argues, is a result of the hegemony of the prevailing and dominant Christian culture (which he brands as both “orthodoxy” and the “winners”). Further, Christianity was a richly diverse phenomenon up through the second and third centuries (2), more diverse than even the various extant forms of Christianity observable today (1). As a result of the establishment of orthodoxy, certain texts—and their cultures—were rejected (“lost”) in favor of a more unified presentation of the Jesus Event. The “winners” then justified their position by re-writing history:
[T]his victorious party rewrote the history of the controversy, making it appear that there had not been much of a conflict at all, claiming that its own views had always been those of the majority of Christians at all times, back to the time of Jesus and his apostles, that its perspective, in effect, had always been ‘orthodox’…and that its opponents in the conflict, with their other scriptural texts, had always represented small splinter groups invested in deceiving people into ‘heresy’. (4)

As a result, the prevailing culture effectively neutralized diverse perspectives and their sacred texts.
In characterizing this history-revising enterprise, Ehrman adopts the Religionsgeshichte previously developed by Walter Bauer in Orthodoxy and Heresy (172-76). Arguing from a novel position against the traditional view of the history of early Christianity, Bauer proposed that the prevailing majority opinion of scholarship accepting the Eusebian account of church history was in error. Rather than assume that all heresies were variations or corruptions of an original and singularly orthodox view (as it was promulgated by a cadre of highly unified apostolic witnesses), Bauer asserted that early Christianity was instead constituted of a number of diverse perspectives on the Jesus Event, and that it was as a result of the Romanization of Christianity in the fourth century that one form of Christianity gained dominance. Thus, two different perspectives on the history of the canon are offered: that of Eusebius (Figure 2, p. 15 of this paper), and that of Bauer (Figure 3, p. 15).
Although his assessment of the advent of orthodox belief nearly replicates that of Bauer, Ehrman does diverge from Bauer in two important respects. First, he is far less explicit about the effect of Romanization on the development of orthodoxy than is Bauer. Whereas Bauer points to defining moments such as Constantine’s conversion, the adoption of Christianity as the imperial religion, and the Councils of Nicaea and Constantinople, for example, Ehrman tends to focus primarily on texts. One of those texts is Eusebius’ Church History, about which Ehrman says,
Writing a century and a half after the Muratorian canon…, Eusebius shows how debates over canon were still very much alive. At one point of his ten-volume work, Eusebius states his intention is “to summarize the writings of the New Testament” (Church History 3.25.1). To do so, he sets forth four categories of books. The first he calls “acknowledged” books, meaning those books accepted by all sides within the orthodox tradition…. His second category involves books that are “disputed,” meaning writings that may well be considered canonical but whose status is debated…. [He] then names books he considers “spurious”…. Finally, Eusebius provides a list of books that are heretical. (244)

Another text is “the famous Athanasian letter of 367 CE” in which Athanasius “came up with a definitive list of books to be included in the canon that matched our list today” (245). Ehrman goes on to say that,
[A] significant moment occurred in the history of the formation of the new Testament canon in the late fourth century. It was in the year 367 CE that the powerful bishop of Alexandria, Athanasius, wrote a letter to the churches throughout Egypt under his jurisdiction, in which he laid out in strict terms the contours of the canon of Scripture. This was the first time anyone of record had indicated that the twenty-seven books that we now have in our New Testament canon, and only those twenty-seven books, should be considered as Scripture. Moreover, Athanasius insisted that other ‘heretical’ books not be read. (54)

Even with the mention of these two texts, however, Ehrman is less than clear on what constitutes the defining moment for the triumph of orthodoxy over what would become the noncanonical texts.
A second difference between Bauer’s view of history and Ehrman’s is academic. Whereas Bauer characterizes his approach as being objectively historical, Ehrman demonstrates a multi-disciplinary approach that varies from literary to theological to ethical. It is with respect to the latter that his final argument comes into view.
3: The Ethical Argument. Traditional views of the criteria for NT canonization reflect a certain degree of variance, but in large measure maintain consistency. For example, the criteria according to J.T. Barrera involve “apostolic origin of the writing in questions, its traditional use [“catholicity”] in the liturgy from time immemorial and the orthodox nature of the doctrine expounded.” L.M. McDonald agrees with the foregoing formulation, but adds to it “antiquity” (meaning, “those [books] that came from the apostolic era”). F.F. Bruce follows McDonald’s core formulation, as does D.A. DeSilva.
Ehrman offers a different perspective, one which can actually be viewed in two ways. It is here that his argument becomes an ethical enterprise as he distinguishes between his view of the actual process of canonization (a descriptive undertaking), and what he proposes as a preferable set of criteria (a prescriptive undertaking). Concerning the actual formation of the NT canon, he avoids endorsing the traditional view of canon criteria, suggesting instead that Eusebius, Athanasius and others among the camp of the “winners” gained their victory (marked by the formation of the canon) through the following: a claim to ancient roots of Judaism; a rejection of contemporary Jewish practices; the primacy of a church hierarchy; and, a well-established network of communication (179-80). These, then, became the circumstantial factors for the canonization of the NT, as opposed to the more traditional theological factors.
Ehrman, if read closely, actually suggests an alternative method for evaluating texts with respect to their canonical status. The centerpiece to that method would seem to be motive. Ehrman argues on behalf of preserving alternative forms of Christianity, citing the need to be “tolerant” of diverse perspectives. However, he himself is quick to discredit certain texts:
Strange Gospels appear regularly, if you know where to look for them. Often these record incidents from the ‘lost years’ of Jesus, for example, accounts of Jesus as a child or a young man prior to his public ministry, a genre that goes all the way back to the second century. These accounts sometimes describe Jesus’ trips to India to learn the wisdom of the Brahmins (how else would he be so wise?) or his exploits in the wilderness, joining up with Jewish monks to learn the ways of holiness. (68, emphasis his)

For Ehrman, it would seem that the invalidity of these “strange Gospels” is self-evident. What remains to be seen, however, is what constitutes his normative device in differentiating the “strange” from the acceptable. It would appear to be an issue of motive:
Those captivated with this fascination [with alternative understandings of Christianity from the past] commonly feel a sense of loss upon realizing just how many perspectives once endorsed by well-meaning, intelligent, and sincere believers came to be abandoned, destroyed, and forgotten—as were the texts that these believers produced, read, and revered.” (257, emphasis mine)

Ehrman thus rejects “strange Gospels” on the basis of motive: they are designed to deceive or to exploit. If one reads him correctly, then, it would appear that an acceptable, or canon-worthy, text would be one which evinces an authorial intent characterized as being “well-meaning, intelligent, and sincere.” Leaving aside the issue of authorial intent as a potentially enormous issue for explication, Ehrman’s test of canonicity, when properly recognized, may be rather problematic.
Responses. At a number of points, Ehrman’s discussion generates questions. Some of these, within the space remaining, will be addressed according to the order of his presentation. First, with regard to his literary argument, Ehrman’s claim that 2 Peter is a “forgery” may be rather overstated. Consider the following observations by Ben Witherington,
[It] is rather amazing that many contemporary scholars just assume that pseudepigrapha was an accepted literary genre and practice that raised no ethical concerns for ancient Christians. This is not so. But it is equally surprising that many scholars today do not seem to realize there are other options besides declaring this document to be a pseudepigraphon or a letter composed by Peter himself. I attribute this to the fact that most New Testament scholars do not know sapiential literature as well as they should, and they especially seem unaware of the scribal practices found in early Judaism and early Christianity, where scribes would not merely copy but also edit together collections of valuable sacred traditions, just as we see happening in 2 Peter. These are not exercises in pure creativity or in pseudonymity. They are ways of preserving sources and traditions from the past and applying them in later situations, with the editors neither claiming authorship nor trying to deceive anyone about he sort or identity of their sources.

2 Peter becomes understood in this sense as a composite document, not a “forgery”.
With regard to his historical argument, several things can be said. First, Ehrman assigns the culpability for the loss of various early Christianities to the orthodox tradition. However, and at the same time, he recognizes that some of these movements failed on their own merit. For example, he cites the Montanists as being a “lost” Christianity, but acknowledges their failure to enlist popular support due to their miscalculations of the eschaton. About this group he says, “There is nothing like a radical disconfirmaton to make your group a laughing stock” (150). And about the Ebionites he notes that their tenacious commitment to preserve Jewish customs, especially that of circumcision, lacked popular appeal. He compares early responses to Ebionite and Marcionite Christianity: “[P]otential converts from among the pagans were not flocking to the Ebionite form of religion, which involved restricting activities on Saturday, giving up pork and other popular foods, and, for the men, undergoing surgery to remove the foreskin of their penises” (103). It can rather clearly be seen, then, that the disappearance of certain strains of Christianity was more a result of internal weaknesses than external pressures.
Second, Ehrman’s terminology is ambiguous. In his invocation of terms such as orthodoxy, proto-orthodoxy, and heresy, it is often unclear whether he is using the terms from his own perspective or for that perspective claimed by the participating parties. Further, he often vacillates between describing these terms in relation to individuals, to groups, and to beliefs. The net result is a presentation that lacks focus and precision, and as a result, fails to advance his argument to the degree that he might have. An example is his treatment of Tertullian, who—being referenced by Ehrman perhaps more so than any other patristic figure—is shown as being both “proto-orthodox” and heretical. The sheer volume of citations of Tertullian indicates that Ehrman is setting Tertullian up as an exemplar for proto-orthodoxy. How, then, can Ehrman reconcile his identification of Tertullian as a precursor to orthodoxy when Tertullian was actually branded by the dominant orthodox group as a heretic? This begs the question: when dealing with Tertullian, are we to understand him as an individual, as a member of a body of believers, or as a figurehead espousing a certain set of beliefs? The same issue can be observed, in fact, with respect to the term Christianity. Is [a] “lost” Christianity really [a] Christianity at all?
Third, contemporary Christianity, given its global manifestations and using the same refractive prism that Ehrman uses in describing early Christianity, can hardly be said to be less diverse than that of the earliest centuries of the church. His is an assertion devoid of any data. When the multitude of variables are considered in the present context, it can hardly be accepted that Christianity—now firmly established on six of the seven continents, after nearly two millennia—is in any way more homogenous than that of the first three centuries. In addition, and pursuant to his historical construct in which all competing forms of Christianity were neutralized by the prevailing orthodox party, he claims that “virtually all forms of modern Christianity, whether they acknowledge it or not, go back to one form of Christianity that emerged as victorious from the conflicts of the second and third centuries” (4, emphasis his). This is a surprising statement for two reasons. On one hand, it seems inconsistent with the premise of his primary argument that he would be able to claim this about modern forms of Christianity contra members of those forms themselves. The reader might note the implications of Ehrman’s verbiage: “whether they acknowledge it or not”.
On the other hand, he fails to recognize movements such as those that led to the Armenian Christian church: a community of ancient Christians who, thanks to their geographic separation from the Mediterranean and a steady northeasterly expansion along the Silk Road, remained beyond the Roman imperial embrace of Christianity. Further, one wonders where Ehrman assigns other groups along the spectrum of orthodox Christianity. Can the Mormon Church claim early Christian origins in light of Joseph Smith’s textual discovery? Where might Ehrman place the Jehovah’s Witnesses on this spectrum? Does the ongoing presence of Messianic-Jewish movements not indicate an ongoing persistence of Ebionite Christianity? And in the same vein, might not modern the New Age movement simply be yet another embodiment of Gnostic beliefs, beliefs which, contrary to his historical analysis, continue to thrive?
With respect to his ethical argument, and perhaps most significantly, Ehrman champions the cause of tolerance and diversity with respect to texts and communities, yet he overlooks the embracing and inclusive features of the NT canon itself. The very structure of the NT reflects a desire to draw into communion a very diverse constituency: the champions of pro-Semitic, Ebionite Christianity (and its texts reflecting an ongoing commitment to the Jewish underpinnings of Christianity, such as the Gospels, James, Hebrews, etc.), and advocates of a distinctively Marcionic, “New Testament” Christianity (primarily committed to the Pauline corpus). F.F. Bruce observes that,
The gospel collection was authoritative because it preserved the words of Jesus, than whom the church knew no higher authority. The Pauline collection was authoritative because it preserved the teaching of one whose authority as the apostle of Jesus Christ to the Gentiles as acknowledged (except by those who refused to recognize his commission) as second only to the Lord’s. The bringing together of these two collections into something approximating the New testament as we know it was facilitated by another document which linked the one to the other. This document was the Acts of the Apostles, which had been severed from its natural companion, the Gospel of Luke, when that gospel was incorporated in the fourfold collection. Acts had thereafter to play a part of its own, and an important part it proved to be. ‘A canon which comprised only the four gospels and the Pauline epistles’, said Harnack, ‘would have been at best an edifice of two wings without the central structure, and therefore incomplete and uninhabitable.’

Thus, the NT canon represents a body of literature strategically developed and arranged so as to accommodate the widest readership.
Conclusion. In summary, it can be observed that: 1) Ehrman’s employment of the term “forgery” to describe pseudepigraphical NT works perhaps strikes more of an affective chord than a literary one; 2) his conclusions with respect to the history of the formation of the canon seem somewhat lacking with regard to concrete historical events and realities; and, 3) his primary ethical aim of advancing “tolerance” as a means of preserving “diversity” is contradictory, both in light of his own positions with respect to various movements and positions, and also in terms of his lack of acknowledgement of the inclusive and diverse materials of the NT itself.


Bibliography

Barker, Glenn W., William L. Lane and J. Ramsay Michaels. The New Testament Speaks. San Francisco: HarperCollins, 1969.

Barrera, Julio Trebolle. The Jewish Bible and the Christian Bible: An Introduction to the History of the Bible, trans. Wilfred G.E. Watson. Grand Rapids: William B. Eerdmans, 1998.

Bauer, Walter. Orthodoxy and Heresy in Earliest Christianity, Robert A. Kraft and Gerhard Krodel, eds. Philadelphia: Fortress Press, 1971.

Bruce, F.F. The Canon of Scripture. Downers Grove: InterVarsity Press, 1988.

DeSilva, David A. An Introduction to the New Testament: Contexts, Methods, and Ministry Formation. Downers Grove: InterVarsity Press, 2004.

Ehrman, Bart D. Lost Christianities: The Battles for Scripture and the Faiths We Never Knew. New York: Oxford University Press, 2003.

Irvin, Dale T. and Scott W. Sunquist. History of the World Christian Movement, Volume I: Earliest Christianity to 1453. Maryknoll, New York: Orbis Books, 2001.

Johnson, Luke Timothy. The Writings of the New Testament: An Interpretation, rev. ed. Minneapolis: Fortress Press, 1999.

McDonald, Lee Martin. The Biblical Canon: Its Origin, Transmission, and Authority. Peabody, Massachusetts: Hendrickson Publishers, 1995.

Witherington III, Ben. , Letters and Homilies for Hellenized Christians, Vol. II: A Socio-Rhetorical Commentary on 1-2 Peter. Downers Grove: IVP Academic, 2008.

Yates, Timothy. The Expansion of Christianity. Downers Grove: InterVarsity Press, 2004.

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P.S. In an earlier draft of this paper, Johnson also rightly made the point that Ehrman defines the term Christian far too broadly, in fact so broadly that the NT writers would surely have repudiated the definition almost immediately. When you define Christian as "someone who claims to be a follower of Christ", you do not reckon with the various definitions implicit and explicit in the NT documents themselves where we hear things like "a Christian is a person who confesses that the crucified Jesus is the risen Lord" (Paul), or "no one who denies Christ come in the flesh" can claim to be his follower (1 John), or even one who denies there will be a second coming is a true follower of Christ (Jude and 2 Peter). In other words, there was a standard of Christological orthodoxy already in the first century A.D. and none of the Gnostic groups or the author of the Gospel of Thomas or Marcion would have been identified as Christians by the apostles and their co-workers. This being the case, Ehrman's book should have been entitled 'Seven Little Heresies and how They Grew' not 'Lost Christianities'.

Tuesday, August 05, 2008

A Pastoral Yogi-ism of the Day




Though I am a diehard member of the Red Sox nation, I must confess I have always had a soft spot in my heart for that master of the malaprop-- Yogi Berra. And so, in an 'ecumenical' gesture I offer the following Yogi-ism for today:

"Always go to other peoples funerals, because you will want them to come to yours as well, later."

Monday, August 04, 2008

A Pair of Sailors Para-Sailing at Myrtle Beach

For our son David's 26th birthday we decided to treat him to para-sailing at our favorite beach-- North Myrtle Beach. So as the Styx song says "come sail away, come sail away, come sail away with us...."













Sunday, August 03, 2008

'Watchmen'--Quis custodiet ipsos custodes?


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For some time my son has been urging me to read the graphic novel 'Watchmen'. After going and seeing a 'graphic novel' of Frank Miller's on the big screen (i.e. 300), I was intrigued. Dave kept telling me I would find this an exercise in fertility rather than futility. And then we he showed me the teaser preview of the movie Watchmen which will be out next year, I figured it was time to do this. Then I discovered that though this 'novel' came out in April 1995, as a compilation of a bunch of DC comics put together in one convenient package, yet this thing is still No. 6 on Amazon, and has been called by a reviewer in Time Magazine one of the 100 most important novels since 1923, I figured I needed to figure out what all the fuss was about. 'Watchmen' is the brainchild of Alan Moore (graphic novel writer) and Dave Gibbons (illustrator), both Brits.

Let me offer two caveats from the outset. First of all, there is a certain resemblance between the 'Watchmen' in this story to the 'Watchers' in much earlier comic stories in Marvel Comics, more specifically in the Fantastic Four stories, among others. But the resemblance is mostly superficial for these 'Watchmen' do not simply watch, they act, getting involved in the murky mess of human squabbles. Secondly, I must admit that the psychological depth of characterization in this particular 'graphic novel' is light years beyond the somewhat pathos inducing tragic characteristics we see for example in Spiderman or the Thing. And furthermore, this ain't your DC Comics of my childhood that gave us Mr. Clean (aka Superman).

The graphic novel is just that--- graphic. It is an adult comic fiction, and definitely not to be foisted on some unexpecting children-- unless you want them to go into counseling quickly thereafter. I would call 'Watchmen' an apocalyptic and psychological thriller of sorts, only it is human super-heroes (even if warped and mutated and psychotic), not a divine messiah or God in person that both produces and helps humankind survive beyond Armageddon. This story will not soon be on Saturday morning cartoons. As a graphic novel it pulls no punches--- we do not have PC dialogue, we see human beings and even super-human beings with all their foibles and flaws. Even the super-heroes are amoral or sexually immoral, but their remains something of a passion for justice. And therein lies the twist in the tale, for as the Latin quote (see above) from Juvenal's Satires inquires-- if the Watchmen are the world policemen trying to save humanity from its own worst instinct, "who is watching the Watchmen"? The answer does not turn out to be God, nor even a harmless Wizard of Oz figure behind Door Number 3. There is no 'divine' intervention in this tale, sooner or later. And so the Watchmen are left to their own devices.

Let's talk for a moment about the way the plotting of the story works. It is much like watching an episode of "Lost" on TV, indeed one wonders if "Lost" found some of its inspiration in this very novel at least in terms of the way things are structured. We have both flash backs, and flash forwards in this novel though there is a linear and chronological thread pursued from episode to episode in the novel. We also have chapters based on extended tellings of the background of this or that super-hero, some of the previous generation of 'Minutemen', some of the current generation of 'Crimebusters'. The stories are skillfully woven together, and each chapter has an addendum of sorts with some pertinent extra info--- excerpts from a book or journal article written by one of the major figures in the story, for example. I imagine the original readers of this in seriatim comicbook form could hardly wait for the next issue to emerge. I much prefer reading it all at once, rather like the way I preferred watching all of Season 4 of Lost all at once. And think of this--- one could readily compare Jack and John of Lost, to Adrian and Jon of 'Watchmen', but I digress.

One of the things that did most intrigue me was not so much the plot and its resolution, which has been so often commented on at Amazon by multitudinous reviewers that it needs no rehearsing here. It does have interesting twists and turns, not the least of which is its revisionist history--- we've got Nixon as President well into the 80s--- Who Knew?

I was more intrigued by 2-3 of the more complex of the characters-- Walter Joseph Kovacs (aka Rorschach), and that exile from the Blue Men group-- Jon Osterman, and there are a couple of other real hummers as well. Osterman, whose name means 'Easterman' is a person who reassembles himself atomically speaking after falling into a radiation experiment of sorts. It give him incredible powers, such as teleportation. Rorschach is, like the test he is named after, a psychologically damaged litmus figure with a strong passion for justice, righting wrongs, especially the sort he endured as a child, which messed him up. Freud would have a field day with this graphic novel, to say the least.

Osterman is interesting because he is either a predestinarian, or a reasonable facsimile thereof, and he stands in contrast to Adrian Veidt who fancies himself as a sort of Alexander the Great or even a Ramses II sort of world dominator, and like most over-reachers of this sort, he believes in the power of himself.

Listen for example to what he says in a telling interview towards the end of the novel (Chap. XI pp. 8-9 of the addendum): "My mother left me a lot of money when she died, but I gave it to charity when I was seventeen. I wanted to prove that I could accomplish anything I wanted starting from absolutely nothing. Also I wanted to free myself of concern for money. Consequently, its never been a problem for me. To answer your question, you get to be a superhero by believing in the hero within you and summoning him or her forth by an act of will. Believing in yourself and your own potential is the first step to realizing that potential. Alternately, you could do as Jon did: Fall into a nuclear reactor and hope for the best. On the whole I think I prefer to stick to my own methods." The reporter then responds saying "You'll forgive me for saying so, but isn't that philosophy a little Norman Vincent Peale? That self-realization stuff? How exactly do you exploit that potential to the degree that you obviously have?" Veidt responds "The disciplines of physical exercise, meditation, and study aren't terribly esoteric. The means to attain a capability far beyond that of the so-called ordinary person are within reach of everyone if their desire and their will are strong enough. I have studied science, art, religion, and a hundred different philosophies. Anyone could do as much. By applying what you learn and ordering your thoughts in an intelligent manner it is possible to accomplish almost anything. Possible for the 'ordinary' person'. There's a notion I'd like to see buried: the ordinary person. Ridculous. There is no ordinary person."

This sounds rather familiarly like various sorts of self-help new age philosophies or post-modern philosophies which are interested in godless self-help spirituality. They stand at the opposite end of the spectrum from the determinism of Jon Osterman. What Moore has skillfully done here is unearthed the psychological pendulum swing when a culture is in an apocalyptic mood or situation. Rejected, at least on the surface is Nietzsche's 'Uber-Mensch' concept, or Ayn Rand's 'Few Brilliant persons held down by the hoi polloi' concept, and yet ironically the person who is expounding this 'every-man' philosophy is in fact Adrian Veidt-- the world's smartest and most successful human!! This is not then a tale of 'the little engine that could' or how 'underdog' became 'overcomer'. But it certainly does have the American self-help and pull yourself up by your bootstraps ethos and flavor.

What is most disturbing about this novel from a Christian point of view is not merely its penchant for violence vividly depicted or amorality and immorality, but in fact the despair that undergirds the story in an assumed godless world. You have apocalypse without new earth, Armageddon without New Jerusalem, super-human powers devised by humans without an ability at all to deal with the roots of the problem of human falleness. This may be a novel about a post-Armageddon brave world, but there is nothing 'new' about it, and if anything it just punctuates the inanity of violence, and humankind's inability to save itself, even with super-heroes-- "let us save the world and create a lasting peace through destroying a few million people" is the 'final solution' offered.

But wait, at the beginning of this novel we were reminded about Hiroshima-- haven't we already gone down that path before, and resolved never to go there again? And did dropping the bomb resolve the human dilemma? NOT SO MUCH. Well perhaps this novel serves as a talisman reminding us that those who do not learn from history are doomed to repeat it. And perhaps as well it reminds us that even our heroes have feet of clay.


Long ago, Daniel had a vision not unlike some aspects of this novel. He foresaw a series of beastly apocalyptic empires each of which rose and fell, and were finally succeeded by one established by 'one like a son of man' who came down from heaven, established justice and the kingdom of God on earth. Daniel was telling his audience-- the only final solution is indeed divine intervention. As it turns out, it will not be a Jon Osterman who saves the world by self-regeneration. It will be a Jesus Easterman, who will return to judge the quick and the dead and bring in the new heaven and new earth.

Saturday, August 02, 2008

What did Golgotha and the Tomb look like?




Here are two interesting recreations of Golgotha and the tomb of Jesus which are worth pondering. Thanks to Justin Taylor for sending them along.

http://theologica.blogspot.com/2008/07/what-did-calvary-look-like-interview.html



http://theologica.blogspot.com/2008/07/what-did-jesus-tomb-look-like-interview.html