The Journal of San Diego History
Winter 1984, Volume 30, Number 1
Contents of This Issue
Ensenada: Its Background, Founding and Early Development
by Maria Eugenia Bonifaz de Novelo
La Siesta Press Award
San Diego Historical Society
1983 Institute of History
Images from this article
On May 15, 1982, Ensenada celebrated the centennial of its founding.
The date was finally acknowledged after a series of controversies which
in themselves confirmed how unique the birth of the cities in Baja California
Norte had been in comparison to others in Mexico and in Baja California. In
Mexico, most of the existing cities were founded by royal decree on the sites
of precolumbian dwellings; therefore, a document existed naming each new city
officially, and the date was unquestionable. As regards the oldest towns in
Baja California, these were founded on the sites of the Jesuit or Dominican
missions, and their birth could accurately be traced to the date of the
founding of each mission. This would not be the case of the four main existing
cities in Baja California Norte: Ensenada, Tijuana, Mexicali and Tecate.
How then did Ensenada become the site for the oldest city in
Baja California Norte? Its bay was discovered on September 17, 1542, by Juan
Rodríguez Cabrillo. He named it San Mateo, stayed for six days and did not
report any inhabitants.1 Sixty years later, when Sebastián Vizcaíno
rediscovered it on the Fifth of November 1602, and renamed it Ensenada de Todos
Santos,2 he did not mention any population either. Historians next
have documented testimony regarding Ensenada from Father Junípero Serra, who
passed through on his way from San Fernando Vellicatá to San Diego in the
summer of 1769. He is the first to acknowledge the existence of inhabitants
of whom he said:
"There is immense gentility, and all those of this countercoast
(of the South Sea) wherefrom we have come, from Ensenada de Todos Santos, for that
is what the maps and charts call it, live very leisurely with various seeds and
with the fishing that they do in their rafts of reeds in the form of canoes.
No one knows when these people arrived. We can only surmise that they
remained there for some time, and later migrated to the mountains or
to the Dominican missions developed in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries.
The Dominican fathers, for some unknown reason, did not favor
Ensenada and stayed south in Santo Tomás, and north, in San Miguel. So Ensenada
continued to be a solitary and perfect bay with a scimitar valley that softly
ascended towards its blue mountains. The land was there for the taking, and
Alferez José Manuel Ruiz, a native of Loreto and Commandant of the Frontera
Territory (the capital of which was then, San Vicente), solicited the property
of Ensenada in 1804 from the Governor, José Joaquín Arrillaga. It was granted to
him in 1806 at a price of two pesos. The grant totalled more than 3500 hectares,
and Ruiz used it only for grazing. In 1824, two years after he had moved to
Loreto as Political and Military Head of Government, he sold the property to his
son-in-law, Francisco Gastelum for $600 pesos.4 Gastelum and his
descendants thus became the first non-aboriginal inhabitants of Ensenada.
During this period, such missions as San Vicente and Santo Tomás comprised
the main nuclei of population in the northern part of the peninsula. But,
after brief periods of prosperity, they would all be abandoned. For many years
Baja California lodged only a chain of nine humble missions of adobe in which
the Dominican fathers labored from 1774 until 1845, when they left because the
Mexican Government secularized all of them.
During the Dominicans' stay, Mexico won its independence from
Spain beginning its fight in 1810 and consummating it in 1821. Then, in 1848, a
radical change in the history of the two Californias, Alta and Baja California,
took place. Due to the Treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo, Mexico sold for fifteen
millions an enormous part of its territory, including California, to the United
States.5 As a consequence, Baja California became the northernmost frontier of
the Mexican Republic.
In 1854 when William Walker, the filibuster, raided the territory, he
inhabited the house of Gastelum naming it "Fort McKibbin," in
honor of one of his group who died in a skirmish. It was the only house that
existed in Ensenada.6
After he was ousted by Antonio Melendres and his improvised guerrilla,
the country settled back into its languor. In 1857 Francisco Ferre,
the political authority of the Northern Territory, wrote to La Paz that he was
moving to Alta California describing the misery of the region in these terms:
". . . in the village of Santo Tomás, and Head of the
Territory since 1851, there are only nine families. . . From this town up to
the border there are only nine ranches inhabited by Mexican families, in the
same situation more or less as the ones referred to–(that is barely
In spite of all, during the lapse of twenty years, with the
arrival of more colonists from the interior of Mexico and from the South of Baja
California, the region saw a sprinkling of a small population which settled in
various places and which grew or diminished according to the economic and
Since 1870 the lands adjacent to the Gastelum estate had been claimed.
To the south Dona Maria Amparo Ruiz de Burton and Don Antonio L. Sosa were
two of the neighboring proprietors; to the north, El Sauzal de Camacho had
also been settled.8
On the other hand, when the United States Civil War ended in 1865,
9 more and more adventurers formed a migratory current towards
Baja California attracted by the lure of gold which had been discovered
in San Rafael in 1870 by Ambrosio del Castillo.10
The capital of the Northern District had been moved from San Vicente to
Santo Tomás in 1851, and as a consequence of the gold rush, it was again
moved in 1872 to Real del Castillo, as San Rafael was renamed, quickly
having become a boom town of 1500 inhabitants. There the capital remained for
As a result of this boom and the traffic that the mines originated, a
customshouse was established in Tijuana in 187412 but Ensenada's
importance as a port was quickly recognized. The people of Real del Castillo
preferred to do their commerce through a seaport than through a painful land
journey to Tijuana. Because of Ensenada's significant geography, businessmen
pressed to have a customshouse built there.
On the other hand, gold was beginning to dwindle, and political upheaval
due to the Sub-Prefect José María Villagrana's bad government, which raised
import taxes preposterously, began to weaken Real del Castillo's prominence.
In 1876 Villagrana was deposed at gun point and replaced by José Moreno who
acted as interim Sub-Prefect.13
In 1877, the Governor of La Paz, Col. Andrés L. Tapia,
arrived in Ensenada aboard the ship Mexico, in order to settle these
political matters. He appointed a new political authority14 and
took all conflicting parties with him to La Paz for a hearing. It was at this
time that he was presented with a document signed by influential persons
demanding that the capital of the Northern Territory be moved to Ensenada.
He promised to pass on the petition and in the meanwhile, authorized to
have Ensenada declared a port in December of 1877.15 The Federal
Government, however, considered that Tapia had exceeded his authority and
nullified his decree, but the traffic through the port was not contained;
on the contrary, it increased.
These considerations were the ones recently taken into account to allege
that Ensenada had been a port and a population nucleus before 1882.
Nevertheless, its importance was yet minimal, and no official document
existed to establish due recognition.
The petition of 1877 was reiterated in 1882 by the Customs Office of
Tijuana, asking that said office be transferred to Ensenada and the
port be named Head of the Northern Part.16 On May 15, 1882,
the Government in La Paz notified the authorities in the north that
their petition had been granted and that Ensenada should be considered
the capital from that day on. This document is the basis then, for the
recognition of the founding of Ensenada, although as will become apparent
later, it still had very little to boast of as a city proper.17
At the same time, north of the border, after only fifteen years, Alonzo
Horton had succeeded in establishing his "New San Diego," in what
today is the city's downtown.18 His success as well as that of other
estate entrepreneurs of California, whetted the appetite of land speculators.
On the other hand, Mexico's efforts to colonize its empty domains had met with
high expenses and little results. These two factors: men avid for land and, a
country with plenty of it, inclined the Mexican Government to give vast land grants.
In 1883 the Law of Colonization was passed, permitting foreigners to
acquire, through concessions, huge extensions of territory with
the purpose of colonizing and developing its resources.19
On July 21, 1884, Major George H. Sisson, an American, and Luis Huller,
a German naturalized as a Mexican, obtained a concession in Baja California
from parallel 29 to 32o 42', including the island of Cedros. They went on to
buy the concession of Adolfo Bulle, which included the land between
parallel 28 and 29; and finally acquired another concession from parallel 29 up
to the border. In this way they were in legal possession of most of the Partido
Norte of Baja California, roughly 18,000,000 acres, and had legal title to all
the land therein which was not already privately owned.20
In 1885 they formed the International Company of Mexico in Hartford,
Connecticut, with an initial capital of $1,000,000 dollars.21
Sisson was named the General Manager of the company which had representatives
in Ensenada, San Diego, Hartford, and New York. Soon enough they were buying up
most of the privately owned real estate in and around Ensenada.
However, in 1887, a new Congress in Mexico City was in session, and
the President was Porfirio Díaz. This legislature attacked the concessions
given under Manuel González' presidency. Díaz ordered a thorough investigation.
His Minister of Agriculture and Fomento, Carlos Pacheco, based on the
optimistic report of Teófilo Masac, the first government inspector sent
to Baja California in 1887 to investigate the situation, successfully defended
the concessions. They had been granted under strict stipulations, which,
according to Masac, were being met except for having settled 2000 families,
as one stipulation called for. But this requirement could take up to a
period of ten years, starting from September of that year.22
Max Bernstein, a friend and compatriot of Huller, had been named the
company's General Manager in Baja California. Beforehand, in May 1886
he had purchased the Pedro Gastelum estate, 533.63 hectares (1317 acres) of the
choicest land on which the new city was to be developed.23 In a clear
speculatory move, Bernstein now resold it to the International Company in March
of 1887 for $10,000 pesos.24
All the lots sold previously by Gastelum to the original founders of
Ensenada -- some fifty or so -- were respected and duly registered.
By 1887 plans for the new city as well as for other cities both north
and south of Ensenada had been drawn up by Richard J. Stephens.
The Ensenada estate was promptly divided into 100 x 100 meter blocks,
with streets twenty meters wide. Lots were subdivided into 50 x 25 meter
lots and sold for $40 and $50 dollars for those on the corners.25
Ensenada was to be called "Ciudad del Porvenir" (City of the Future).
Nestled close to the northern hills of the bay, the streets of the oldest
city in the Northern Territory were laid out giving the avenues names of
notables in alphabetical order in the downtown area and fixing for the
cross streets an ordinal numeration in the American fashion, a custom which
Tijuana and Mexicali followed -- all three, exceptional cases in Mexico. The
main Avenue was named Ruiz, after the first owner of the bay.
When in March of 1887, Charles B. Turrill, a writer, arrived by sea in
Ensenada in the company of George Sisson and Teófilo Masac, he reported
that because there was no hotel, they had to stay in two rooms at the
customshouse, "The most prominent building" in town.26
He estimated the population at 300, but Masac reported 440 inhabitants.
27 Yet, there was already a four-page bilingual weekly newspaper,
La Voz de la Frontera, as well as another one in English; three flour
mills, a fruit cannery andadjoining ranches which belonged to American and
Mexican colonists and which produced wheat, orchard fruits, pumpkins,
vegetables, corn, barley, olives, grapes and honey.
By June of that same year, Ensenada had two hotels: The Pacheco and The
Bay View; and on October 13, 1887, the Hotel Iturbide, a picturesque
three-storied building perched on a hill with a stupendous view of the
bay, was inaugurated.28 The population had grown to 1450,
according to Sanchez Facio, the second government inspector to come
to Baja California who arrived in November of that year,29
For a while the International Company attracted a good number of small
industries such as a brewery, soap factory, a textile industry, and another
flour mill. However, the company soon had financial troubles. Profits
were hard to come by, many disillusioned colonists felt defrauded and left.
Indeed, the company had used propaganda exaggerating the bounty of the
agricultural land and omitting its difficulties. Above all, Sanchez Facio's
report was realistic, and it disclosed many irregularities which Masac had
overlooked. In short, the company was not complying with the stipulations
required. Despite their efforts, the company's directors could plainly see
that it would be impossible to colonize the two thousand families in the
time their contract required. Also at this very same time, the land boom in
San Diego had suddenly stopped.30
The political and economic signs were ominous. In 1889 Sisson sold
out in London to "The Mexican Land Colonization Company."
31 During 1889 and 1890 there was a gold rush in the District
of El Alamo, 100 kilometers southeast of Ensenada, and these discoveries
undoubtedly played a major part in convincing the English to buy. By 1889
the gold fever was such that "the manager of the Coronado Hotel had
to wire San Francisco to recruit employees." All of his help had
hurried off to El Alamo and left him alone.32
The interest of the American company to sell at the height of this
rush can only be attributed to the pressures mentioned before. Rather than
risk losing its concession, it opted to sell out while it still could. Major
Sisson had proven himself a poor administrator.
So, the English came with fresh capital, but they concentrated their
efforts in the San Quintin Valley as well as in the gold mines of El Alamo.
When these projects gave out, little by little they abandoned the enterprise
but held on to their land holdings.
In 1891 Ensenada had the makings of a small, pleasant town with a park,
a beautiful beachfront, kindergarten and a government grammar school. It also
had another newspaper, The Lower Californian, but as the Alamo boom
died out, "the country knew that period of keenest depression that
always follows a false inflation."33
Slowly, Ensenada recuperated throughout the decade. Needless to say,
even though J. Southworth, a journalist who visited the town in 1899,
described the American company as a "wildcat operator" interested
only in speculating in land, according to David Zárate, a prominent native
of Baja California who had witnessed the city's growth from its beginning,
declared that the International Company had been very significant in the
early development of Ensenada. Undoubtedly, a city would have gradually grown
out of the small port, but without the company's thrust, even though it was
brief, it would have been a harder and slower start. Unlike Southworth, David
Zárate was not sympathetic towards the English company and declared its
intervention as "nefarious." As a Mexican citizen, he repudiated,
above all, "the absolute power that it held in every order in more than
All ups and downs weathered, Ensenada nevertheless made headway. By
the end of the century, the town had a telegraph and electricity was
available in homes from 5:00 p. m. to 11:00 p.m. Gas was used for public
lighting (the policeman in charge was responsible for turning on the lamps
every evening at dusk). There were five little private schools, one of which
was in English; the official Grammar School and one Superior School of
Travel to Tijuana was done by stage, a trip that took two days. The
passengers usually slept at a post in Canón de Cancio and continued
on the next day. With these hardships, people preferred the trip by sea.
The Saint Denis, a 352-ton cargo and passenger ship, touched port
six times a month making the round trip to and from San Diego.36 No passports
were required for Mexican citizens to enter the United States. They left
Ensenada in the afternoon and arrived in San Diego at four or five in the
morning, weather permitting, and waited until 6:00 o'clock, for the "
Outpost," a little house in Point Loma, to open. Then they proceeded
to a few days of busy shopping and stayed with friends, relatives or at a
hotel. In later years, the Brewster Hotel would be a favored stop for the
people of Ensenada.
As the decade of the nineties advanced, other Mexican ships traveled
on a regular basis from Mazatlán to Ensenada, to San Diego, and even to
San Francisco and back; and many foreign vessels began touching port.
Fishing enterprises run by Americans and Chinese were also busy with the
catch of abalone. As in San Diego, these were the beginnings of
our fishing industry.
A customshouse report taken from July 1, 1898 to April 30, 1899 shows
a list of imports made by sea from countries such as Germany, China,
Holland, Spain, France, Italy, India, England, Turkey and United States.
Ensenada was clearly on the map.
Of course, the country it did most business with was the U.S. Its exports
were mostly raw or semi-processed materials. Of the $148,042 gold pesos in
exports $91,562.00 were made up of silver and gold. Altogether the economy
was sound for the balance of its imports and exports was:
|Imports .......................||$ 90,299.00|
|Balance IN FAVOR ....||$ 57,743.00|
The importance of mining was still a major economic factor in the Northern
District and in its capital city. Despite their ephemeral booms, Real del
Castillo and El Alamo Districts, together with several other entities,
continued to be exploited steadily and produced significant amounts of precious
metals, as one can appreciate from this report.37
All throughout this period (1885-1910) Mexico enjoyed the famous era
of "Paz Porfiriana" or "Porfirian Peace," so called
because of President Díaz' ability to keep the country completely stable.
In Baja California these years were marked by an influx of many nationalities,
such as Italian, American, English, Jewish, Spanish, French, Chinese and German;
but the main stock continued to be Mexican. Together they forged a small but
prosperous community to which each added some of the flavor of their mother
countries. The Andoanegui family of Spanish descent began manufacturing wine;
there was a spaghetti factory. Mr. Moorkens, an American, produced candles that
were given a premium at the Chicago World's Fair. There was a tannery which made
fine saddles and several Jewish and Mexican businessmen with connections in San
Diego and Mazatlán handled banking documents. One of their ads reads: IVINSON
AND CO., Bankers, Ensenada, Lower California.38
There were two drugstores duly tended by medical doctors who also happened
to hold mining claims. During those days people moved about in dusty streets
which were kept clean by sweeping and watering them down, but on special
evenings, they held literary and musical events, and on grand occasions
elegantly dressed ladies and gentlemen held beautiful balls at theIturbide
Hotel. The flow of champagne was common, and the small orchestra knew the
It was to be at one of these balls, held in the spring of 1890, that a
group of American filibusters, reportedly in connivance with Cor. Buchanan
Scott of the English Company, planned to overtake the Mexican authorities
in order to declare Baja California a new country. The plot, directed by
Walter G. Smith, a San Diego journalist, was denounced in the San
Francisco Chronicle and in The San Diego Union, and consequently
The residents of El Alamo signed a protest against these maneuvers in the
summer of 1890, and the colonists of Ensenada, no matter where they had
come from, rallied to back Gral. Luis E. Torres the Governor and Military
Commander (1888 -1889) and asked to have the concession to the company
Meanwhile Ensenada continued to have the contrasts and eclecticism
of a true frontier town. In a list that J. Southworth gives of prominent
citizens in the year of 1899 -- next to a distinguished Mexican lawyer who
specialized in mining and commercial law and who spoke Spanish, English
and French with "elegance and facility" came the description
of a man of whom Ensenada could boast because he claimed to be a direct
descendant of Ananías, the famous biblical personage. Besides, Charles Forbes,
alias "Poker Charlie," "had more than that distinction. He
owned the only kangaroo racehorse -- a cross between a coyote and a burro --
and he also claimed to have the only complete register of all the yarns
of "The Thousand and One Nights. " It is further noted
that he was very agreeable and liked by all who knew him, although, in
due honor to his alias, he sounds today like one big bluff.40
In the eighties, land had been set aside for a Methodist Church as
well as a Methodist University, but since the American company moved
out so quickly, these plans never materialized. The spiritual needs of the
people of Ensenada, in their majority Catholics, were taken care of by a
priest who traveled once a month from San Diego to administer sacraments
and say the Mass. By the end of the century, Dona Luisa Goicochea de Ochoa,
a native of Mazatlán who had arrived in Ensenada in 1889 as a young bride,
took it upon herself with the help of other prominent ladies, to raise funds
for a Catholic church. After having organized bazaars and numerous raffles
and after having convinced the Military Commander to donate all the bricks,
the temple was finally erected. In the temple's corner, she buried a sealed
metal box which contained a parchment describing all their endeavors. So far
as we know, it is still there, at Third and Gastelum.41
Thus, the twentieth century found the Ensenada Bay as the site of the
only meaningful population center in the forever forlorn Northern Baja
There are still quite a few people alive who knew the city then. The
memories of their childhood and growing years are marked with color,
amazement and nostalgia. As tiny as Ensenada was, it had the elements of an
interesting society because of the variety of its settlers. As a matter of
course, most of this generation spoke English fluently for they learned it at
Mrs. Wilson's42 school or at American boarding schools. This early
transculturation still persists, and it has moved from north to south and from
south to north enriching throughout the years the lives of the people on both
sides of the border. Yet, despite their isolation from the center of Mexico,
they hung on to the traditions brought from home. There were bull-fights and
all the ladies attended dressed in Spanish garb; there were operetta
representations called the Zarzuelas, also of Spanish origin; there was
the music that came from Mexico's deep interior; and enthusiastic celebrations
of all Mexican holidays. But these were the outward manifestations. In the
intimacy of their homes they continued to live according to the hispanic
traditions of close family ties. Of utmost importance for the preservation
of their cultural heritage was the school system which the Mexican Government
After its illustrious beginnings as capital of the District, Ensenada's
fortune would again wane when the capital was changed to Mexicali by Colonel
Esteban Cantú in 1915. Did this move affect the people of Ensenada? I asked
Dona Emilia Ochoa de Ojeda (daughter of Dona Luisa Coicochea de Ochoa).
"Yes, of course," she answered and promptly added, "but
we carried on."
They did, all through the rest of that decade and the twenties when
the town suffered the worst recession of its history. Painfully, slowly,
it began to recuperate with favorable measures taken by Abelardo Rodríguez'
government which made Baja California a Duty Free Zone (late twenties), with
the construction of a paved road to Tijuana (1930s), and through the mid
thirties with the influx of more migration from Mexico's interior, plus
a small, but steady current of faithful tourists that loved peace and outdoor
Migration doubled during the Second World War when Ensenada was made
the base of the Second Military Zone of the Sixth Regiment of the Pacific.
At this time, the fishing canneries, started in the late twenties and
thirties, flourished and set the basis for a future industry of great
In the 1960s it had 85,000 inhabitants, and it began to experience a
population explosion. Today, as an important industrial, fishing and
tourist center, it is a city of more than 250,000 inhabitants . . . still
struggling to keep up with its sudden growth, with the ecological problems
of pollution that modern life has brought, but a city true to the spirit
of her ancestors, no matter where they came from, people who, like Dona
Emilia, embody a spirit of fortitude and survival.
1. Juan Páez, Navegación del Sur al Norte, 1543, General Archive of
the Indies, Patronato 30 No. 13, p. 5, Seville, Spain.
2. Diego de Santiago, Viaje y derrotero de naos que fueron al
descubrimiento del puerto de Acapulco a cargo del Gral. Sebastián
Vizcaíno, 1604, General Archive of the Indies, Mexico 372, Folio
31, Seville. Spain.
3. Francisco Palou, Relación histórica de la vida y apostólicas
tareas del venerable Padre Fray Junipero Serra, Porrua, México,
D.F. 1970, p. 61.
4. Registro Público de la Propiedad, Public Regístry of Property in
Ensenada, Baja California, Tomo I, Sección I, pp. 9, 10, 11 and 12.
These pages contain the history of the Ensenada property from 1804 to 884,
January 10, 1884.
5. J. Patrick McHenry, A Short History of Mexico (Garden City,
New York: Dolphin Doubleday, 1962), p 115.
6. David Pinera, Las ciudades de Baja California, University of Baja
California, Colección Historia para todos, Cuaderno I, Enero de 1980, p. 3.
7. Adrián Valadés, Historia de la Baja Calífornia, 1850-1880, UNAM,
México, D. F., 1974, p. 55.
8. Registro Público de la Propiedad, Public Registry of
Property in Ensenada, Baja California, Tomo I., Seccion I.
9. Bartlett, Fenton, Fowler and Mandelbaum, A New History of the
United States (New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston, 1969), p. 349.
10. Don Meadows, Real del Castillo, Olvidada capital de Baja
California, UABC, Coleccion Historia para todos, Cuaderno II, Mayo,
1980, p. 7.
11. Ibid., p. 11.
12. Alfonso Salazar Rovirosa, Cronología de Baja California del
Territorio y del Estado, de 1500 a 1956, Cuaderno No. 4.
13. Meadows, Real del Castillo, pp. 16, 18.
14. Ibid., p. 22.
15. Ibid., p. 23.
16. Zeferino Castaneda, Gobierno Político y Comandancia Militar de la
Baja California, Petition by this Head of the Customs Office of Tijuana,
to the Government in La Paz, Baja California, Archive of the Government in
La Paz, Baja California, 1877, Document No. 57, Foja 304. Copy in the
archive of Walter Meade, Mexicali, Baja California.
17. Archive of the Government in La Paz, Baja California, Document
No. 954, May 15, 1882, Copy in the Archive of Walter Meade, Mexicali,
18. Ruth Held, "A Momentous 100 Years: The Story of San Diego
High School," The Journal of San Diego History, XXVIII
(Spring, 1982), p. 77.
19. Charles Nordhoff, Peninsular California (New York: Harper
and Bros, 1888), p. 87.
20. Ibid., pp. 85, 86, 87.
21. Pablo Martínez, Historia de Baja California, México, D. R, 1956,
22. Nordhoff, Peninsular California, p. 87. Main stipulations in
synthesis: 1) File a bond with the Mexican Treasury 2) Begin surveying the
lands 3) Finish the surveying within a prescribed time 4) That all surveys
and reports be duly filed and verified at the Office of Public Works in Mexico
City 5) Payment of the purchased land 6) Colonization of 2000 families.
23. Registro Público de la Propiedad, Public Registry of
Property, Ensenada, Baja California, Sección I., Tomo I, Folios 9-12.
24. Ibid., Sección I., Tomo I, Folio 77.
25. David Goldbaum, Personal Archive, Book of Records, 1887.
In possession of his daughter, Minerva Goldbaum, Dated December 1887.
Consulted by the author in December 1980.
26. Charles B. Turrili, A Trip to Lower California, Part II
(San Francisco, 1887), Typescript, p. 2. Turrill describes himself as
27. Ibid., p. 3. Masac arrived in March 1877.
28. Norton B. Stern, Lower California, Jewish Refuge and Homeland
(Los Angeles: Dawson's Book Shop, 1973). Stern quotes Goldbaum. The Iturbide
Hotel burned in 1904.
29. Manuel Sanchez Facio, The Truth About Lower California (San
Francisco, 1889), pp. 85-90.
30. Richard F. Pourade, The Glory Years (San Diego: Union Tribune
Publishing Co., 1964), p. 212.
31. Registro Público de la Propiedad, Public Registry of
Property, Ensenada, Baja California, Tomo III, Seccion I,
Partida 59, Folios 138 to 171.
32. Martínez, Historia de Baja California, p. 471.
33. J. R. Southworth, El Territorio de la Baja California,
1889, Published by the Government of the Territory, p. 20.
34. David Zárate Z., Bosquejo Histórico de la Península de Baja
California, Ensenada, Baja California, 1948, p. 19, Private Edition.
35. A. E. Uruchurtu, Apuntes Históricos sobre la Educación en Baja
California, Apendice de la Obra: Educación Publica en el Distrito
Norte de la Baja California, Mexicali, 1928, M. Quiroz,Martínez, p. 117.
36. Southworth, El Territorio, p. 89.
37. Ibid., p. 25.
38. Stern, Lower California, covers.
39. Martinez, Historia de Baja California, pp. 472, 473. Walter G.
Smith is described as a "San Diego journalist." Martinez claims
that "Some persons who investigated the matter affirmed that the
plot had been prepared by English diplomats of Central and South America
in order to raise distrust against the United States in those days in
which the Panamerican Union was being organized."
40. Southworth, El Territorio, p. 28.
41. Emilia Ochoa de Ojeda, Personal interview conducted by the author,
December 1980. Dona Emilia is 92. No one remembers the exact day of the
inauguration of the Church del Purísimo Corazón de María. The Church's
archives were moved to Tijuana and in that city they have not been able to
locate the early documentation. Dona Emilia estimates that it was either
late in the nineteenth century or early in the twentieth.
42. Corinne Wilson was the wife of an American settler.
THE PHOTOGRAPHS on pages 18 and 26 are courtesy of the author and
Carlos Gallegas. All others are from the San Diego Historical Society's
Title Insurance and Trust Company Collection.