The failure of Prime Minister Mohammad Mossadegh in succeeding with his plans for the nationalization of the Iranian oil industry, and therefore releasing her from the bondage of foreign powers, was interrupted an overthrown by the demands of the British Intelligence, CIA, and powers behind the Anglo-Iranian oil company.
Dr. Mossadegh came from a prominent family whose roots can be traced to the Qajar Dynasty. He entered politics at a very early age, holding governorship in several provinces. Throughout his political career, Mossadegh built himself a very commendable reputation. He was known for his incorruptibility, honesty, and faith in the constitution. He held strong anti-dictatorship beliefs, which made him a favorite among the oppressed Iranians. Mossadegh was known to be a religious follower of the law, abiding by it without compromise, even in cases when its guidelines were not beneficial to his motives. In his rise in the political game, he chose to sty behind rather than ever compromise his family or beliefs.
Mossadegh had two main objectives in the political field: first, he wished to see a proper running Majlis (parliament) take the power from the royal court, and second, the nationalization of Iran’s oil industry. At that time the British owned, Anglo-Iranian Oil Company (AIOC), controlled Iran’s oil. The terms under the AIOC were harshly unfavorable to Iran. Iran had almost no say in the company, no right to see its books, and was paying high prices for her own oil (Keddie, 133). According to Keddie, the British walked away with a net profit of 250 million after deducting taxes and royalties, while Iran was left with 90million, less than the AIOC paid to the British government in royalties.
A “supplemental agreement” was offered to the concession in 1947. Although the government of 1949 agreed to the new concession, it was not passed by majlis. The National Front Coalition, led by Dr. Mossadegh, was crucial in their oppositional role to the supplemental agreement. The National Front was a political coalition made up of individuals from all walks of life, such as the nationalist Iran Party (leftist an anti-Soviet intellectuals), Toiler’s Party (workers and leftist intellectuals), Mojahidin-I-Islam (workers, bazaar merchants, rank and file clergy), led by Ayatolah Abul Qassem Kashani, and a large group of middle class men who did not affiliate with any political group (Gasiorowski 262). The National front had its first victory when it succeeded in electing eight of its members, including Mossadegh to the 16th Majlis.
In March 1951, the majlis passed a bill requesting the nationalization of the oil industry submitted by Mossadegh. Immediately afterwards, mossadegh was appointed Prime Minister, instead of Hosain Ala, whom the Shah wished to see fill the position. The British, alarmed and angry, losing their something for nothing terms with Iran, took the matter to the International Court at Hague who ruled in Iran’s favor. According to Nikki Keddie both the American and British began to picture Mossadegh “increasingly but inaccurately as a dangerous fanatic, likely to deliver Iran to the Soviets. In fact he was an anti-imperialist nationalist who intended to keep Iran from being controlled by any foreign country or company”.
The United States, who before the nationalization was friendly towards Mossadegh, began to have a very negative attitude. The AIOC prohibited anyone against buying Iranian oil. Military presence by the British was intensified in the Abadan region, in both land and air forces. An embargo of British exports of iron, steel, sugar, and oil processing equipment was implemented. With the help of pro-British businessmen, religious leaders, and military leaders, including: the Rashidian brothers, Sayyid Zia Tabaraba’I (the British first choice for Prime Minister) and Jamal Emami, the covert operation for removing Mossadegh began. There was even an attempt by the British to invade Iranian, but when the Truman administration failed to back this movement, it was put aside in favor of new strategies.
Ahmad Qavam, with his willingness to allow the British to once more take over the oil industry was the optimal new candidate for Prime Minister. Plans to replace Mossadegh with Qavam and his cabinet of British puppets were started. Apparently Mossadegh became aware of the conspiracies against him, he resigned from office. Mass demonstrations called for his return, and Mossadegh came back to office in a week. I feel it is important at this time to point out a particular decree signed by Mossadegh in 1952. This decree stated that all landlords must give up 20% of their share crop; 10% to the peasants and the other 10% to the new rural banks that would help the peasants with credit. Those in violation of the decree were subject to a jail sentence and confiscation of property (Keddie 136). The decree sheds an enormous light on Mossadegh’s intention of reform for the lower class. As is the case in every so-called “advanced” society, these types of reform ideas clash greatly with the wealthy landlords that dominate politics of such countries. It is safe to assume Mossadegh was now creating enemies for himself in all directions.
Upon his return as Prime Minister, Mossadegh began a wide range of reform and development programs. “Import limitations and government planning resulted in the first substantial postwar expansion of the industry”(keddie 136). Mossadegh attempted to balance the export-import activity in Iran away from its previous high import, low export status, harmful to the Iranian economy. The British and American governments continued to advocate a worldwide boycott of Iranian oil, which successfully hurt the Iranian economy. The United States went as far as intimidating countries such as Italy, from importing Iran’s oil (Keddie 137).
To make matters worse, at a time when Mossadegh was in desperate need of his colleagues, they were all turning against him, one by one. Even his close relationship with Kashani was dissolving. Many believe that the breakup of this political alliance and friendship was a plot carried out by the British Intelligence against Mossadegh, who had successfully convinced Kashani of Mossadegh’s lack of respect for Islam. Zahedi and the Rahidians began to plot against Mossadegh, joined by other National Front leaders, Makki, Baqai, and Haerizadeh. Zahedi gained the support Abol Qasem Bakhtiari, at tribal leader. Zahedi and George Middleton (British Charge’ in Tehran) agreed that that British would support Zahedi, gain U.S. support of the plot, in exchange for an oil settlement favorable to both the U.S. and British. Bakhtiari was provided military support by M16 (British Intelligence). In order to gain the support of the American government, U.S. Ambassador Henderson was told that although Mossadegh would not be able to cease the communist threat, a new government under Zahedi would ( Gasiorowski 266).
It is understood that the Truman administration was very much against a coup in Iran. It is also Truman who is said to be responsible for convincing the British government against an invasion of Iran. Sadly, the Eisenhower Administration took an extremely different role in Iranian politics. Perhaps at this time it is necessary to discuss the CIA activity in Iran prior to the Coup. According to Mark J. Gasiorowski there were five types of covert activity in Iran since the 1940’s. “Stay behind” networks among the southern tribes, ready for guerrilla warfare in case of “Soviet invasion”. There were many “escape and evasion routes” in case of any type of major war. There was also “cross border espionage and subversion operations” into the Soviet Union with the aid of Azerbaijanis, Armenians, and other ethnic groups who share borders with Iran and the former Soviet Union. Fourth, the activities of the Soviets were overseen using “espionage and counter- espionage operations”. Last but not least, an operation “codenamed BEDMAN was started in 1948 to counter Soviet and Tudeh influence” funded with over $1 million dollars a year. BEDMAN funded numerous attacks on the Tudeh Party and Soviet allies in Iran. The propaganda included articles and cartoons in Iranian newspapers, books, and leaflets. On many occasions, street gangs were hired to break up Tudeh assemblies. BEDMAN also funded many anti-communist organizations such as SOMKA and Pan Iranist parties. Some of the more brutal acts included: “paying religious figures to denounce the Tudeh as anti-Islamic, and organizing attacks on mosques and public figures in the name of the Tudeh” (Gasiorowski 269).
Although it is hard to calculate the exact contributions made by BEDMAN to the coup against the Mossadegh government, it is safe to conclude their presence as very involved. In 1952, Christopher Montague Woodhouse, an M16 officer in Iran asked for U.S. help in planning against Mossadegh. The plan called for “ coordinated uprisings to be engineered by the Rashidians and certain Bakhtiari tribal leaders, with or without the Shah’s approval” (Gasiorowski 270). The plan was presented to the CIA, where it was approved by Frank Wisner (head of CIA covert operations) and other officials. The only opposition seemed to come from low-ranking Iran specialists, and CIA station chief in Iran. In February, Zahedi presented the idea of a coup to the U.S. Mossadegh had Zahedi arrested and threatened to resign. At this point the weak shah declared he would be taking a vacation abroad. There were many anti-Mossadegh demonstrations led by Kashani, Somka Party, and Zahedi supporters. Mossadegh was forced to use the army in order to calm the streets, which resulted in a negative portrayl of the Prime Minister in the eyes of the public. It is clear that Mossadegh’s separation from Kashani, may have contributed to his loss of support among the people. Although it seems impossible to go against so much conspiracy directed at one person, as the case for Mossadegh, his use of the army to administer peace did not work in his favor.
Another blow to Mossadegh was the murder of one of his most loyal supporters General Ashartous, chief of the National Police. By 1953, the Eisenhower Administration was in support of a coup. Two weeks after his inauguration, Eisenhower met with top U.S. and British officials to discuss the coup. The plan was simply to overthrow Mossadegh and replace him with Zahedi. The operation was codenamed AJAX. (Gasiorowski 271).
AJAX required the capabilities of BEDMAN in spreading propaganda against Mossadegh. The initiation of disturbances in the majlis was encouraged. The approval from the Shah was sought and granted (although it is obvious AJAX would have continued with his plans even if the Shah did not approve). Anyone that was opposed of the coup within the CIA was promptly removed. Firmans (royal decrees) discharging Mossadegh as Prime Minister were signed and released. The firman was delivered to Mossadegh by Colonel Nematollah Nassiri (commander of the Imperial Guard). Mossadegh refused to recognize the decree as legitamate and tore it. He then had Nassiri arrested. Mossadegh ordered Zahedi to be found and brought to him. Zahedi was brought into protection by the CIA and continued his hiding until Mossadegh was overthrown. Once again, the so-called Shah of Iran ran away, first to Baghdad, and then to Rome. The American government was quick in printing the order of the firman in their newspapers, as they often do in order to win the sympathy of the people, whose only access to global news is tightly controlled by the government (another wonderful aspect of the so called freedom of speech often correlated with the United States). The approval of military aid to the Zahedi forces by the U.S. followed shortly afterwards. Large crowds were hired to demonstrate on Monday August 17th. The fake Tudeh demonstrators were partially paid by the CIA. The objective was to create a state of instability where the fear of a Tudeh take over would allow the general public to be more inviting to peace offered by Zahedi and his supporters. By Wednesday almost all the police had turned against Mossadegh. Kashani was paid a reported $10,000 to begin an anti-Mossadegh rally. By this point most government buildings and the offices of all pro-Mossadegh factions were attacked. Mossadegh insisted on not using his army to break up the crowd. By this time, he was probably painfully aware of the powers he was fighting against, and the fact that nothing would come between these betrayers of the people, and their personal gains. According to Gasiorowski’s account of the coup, General Guilanshah led tanks to Mossadegh’s home. 300 people are reported to have been killed in this 9-hour battle where Mossadegh’s walls were destroyed with the tanks and artillery fire. Although Mossadegh escaped from the roof, he surrendered the next day.
Procedures were carried out as planned, and within year oil agreement as reached that left the control of oil production, marketing, and 50% of the profits was once again handed to world oil companies. The Coup D’Etat successfully replaced the only man with an honest and rare ambition to improvise the condition of his country, not at the expense of the general public, as Reza Shah had done, with an American puppet. This American puppet, formally known as Mohammad Shah, triumphantly, widened the gap between poor and rich, did nothing to improve the social, and political instability that diseased Iran. Instead he indulged in what seemed to be a never-ending infatuation with sophisticated weaponry and carefree spending of revenues on himself and the royal court.
In conclusion I would like to state, my out most respect and admiration for Dr. Mohammad Mossadegh. It is rare that a country is blessed with such characteristics as honesty, incorruptibility, charisma, and a genuine desire for justice, in reference to the field of politics. Only a misinformed, or perhaps uneducated evaluator would choose to discredit the involvement of the CIA and the British Intelligence in removing Mossadegh from his post. By no means do I put all the blame on these two institutions, for it is clear that none of this could have been accomplished without that help of those who are willing to put a price on the fate of their own country. We seem to be at the mercy of these traitors, who at the sight of luxury, so called “modernized” lifestyle, position of power, or any monetary compensation are willing to hand over their countrymen to colonial powers. Mossadegh, along with the leaders of the 1978-79 Iranian revolution, in the line of great men such as Che Guevara and Fidel Castro, continue to inspire my generation in believing that one day we can win back the power that belongs to us and administer peace and justice in our world, dominated with Corporate Tyranny.