- guardian.co.uk, Monday 26 April 2010 13.53 BST
Speculation about how far Nick Clegg could push for reform with the Conservatives should take account of the Tories' dogmatic opposition to PR. David Cameron talks irrationally about the power to sack a government, when, in reality, the only voters properly enfranchised in the UK are those in marginal seats – and these have been bought, he hopes, with Lord Ashcroft's millions.
For too many Conservatives, elections are not about democracy or the will of the people: they are about power.
To the international democracy community, Britain is seen as having an arcane attachment not only to a grotesquely unfair electoral system, but also to the hereditary principle in our second chamber. This, too, is supported by many Conservatives. It is doubtful whether international election observers would consider the 6 May general election to be fair, even if it was defined as free.
The UN's code, adopted in 2005, is used by all international observer teams. It states:
"The will of the people of a country is the basis for the authority of government, and that will must be determined through genuine periodic elections, which guarantee the right and opportunity to vote freely and to be elected fairly through universal and equal suffrage by secret balloting or equivalent free voting procedures, the results of which are accurately counted, announced and respected."
Having chaired numerous observer missions, often organised through the EU's Democracy Instrument, which I founded in 1990, I would contend that no stretch of the rules could find our electoral system "fair".
According to the BBC's seat calculator, if each of the major parties gained 30% of the vote, under the UK's grossly-distorted system, the Labour party would get 315 MPs, the Conservatives 206 and the Liberal Democrats only 100. This does not constitute "universal and equal suffrage" for the majority of British voters. It could be argued that the system infringes natural justice, and should be subject to judicial review.
The resurgence of the Lib Dems in recent days has focused public attention on the probability of a balanced parliament, but the debate about electoral reform for Westminster has only just begun. The British public now has the chance, for the first time in generations, to achieve a real political revolution. It is refreshing to see the two-party system under challenge by Nick Clegg, a politician who demonstrates both determination and conviction.
Lest I be accused of coming late to the party of electoral reform, let me point out that, for years, I have argued for fair voting in the UK, as well as a fully-elected second chamber. A handful of Conservatives have, since the 1974 election, waved the flag of PR through Conservative Action for Electoral Reform.
Across the party, there are champions of change, but so far, they speak softly. Proponents of change include Douglas Carswell, so the populist right of Direct Democracy may give Cameron some room for manoeuvre. At last year's Conservative Spring Forum in Cheltenham, I organised and chaired a well-attended fringe meeting on PR. The ostensible purpose was to discuss improvements to the way Euro-elections – held under PR since 1999 – could be conducted, as well as to make the selection process for candidates more fair.
The subsequent Tory Euro-manifesto promised that "a Conservative government will review the European voting system to consider how individual MEPs can be more closely linked to individual constituencies, while respecting the required element of proportionality." My assumption, when I saw this, was that David Cameron's team accepted the EU requirement for a proportional system for Euro-elections.
How to turn this into a principle for Westminster elections?
Unfortunately, Labour's cynical decision to impose closed list PR for Euro-elections, under which people vote for a party, not for individual candidates, has given PR a bad name, and not just in the Tory party. I was leader of the Tory MEPs during the 1999 Euro-election and held a seminar at Central Office, at which Oxford academics Vernon Bogdanor and David Butler spoke of fairness and change. I couldn't get Professor John Curtice to come from Glasgow, but he told me that he had always been astonished by the Conservative reluctance to go for real PR for Westminster, since it would actually give them a significant lift because of their broadly-based support.
There is a need for a national debate about a genuinely fair electoral system, and this election must be the catalyst. Before I fell out with the Conservative party, I discussed with Dominic Grieve, shadow justice secretary, the possibility of setting up a working group on electoral reform.
They'll need it now.
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