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Story of Bali, Indonesia

Kasdan,1959). Nor are the contents of family role relationships harmonized by marrying patriparallel cousins (cf. Khuri 1970); role harmony is more likely to result from marrying outside, which produces a rightly inferior wife and avoids ally complicated affinal relations at all.

Balinese justify any endogamous union by saying that it keeps daughters paying homage to their own ancestors; outsider wives are often lax in these female domesticceremonial duties." (It should also be noted that if a male fails to family marry, in these days of rare polygyny lie is conceivably depriving a temple mate of her chance to remain in the group, as his own sister might in turn be deprived.) There is a status component in this preference for women from one's own group. Kersten summarizes this component in the Brahmana ideology of warnas and subcastes.

The main cause of this further division into subcastes is the influence exercised by the rank and caste of the mother on that of the child. The children by a main wife (hoofdvrow) stand higher than those by an extra wife (bijvrow); higher too are the children by a mother of the same caste than those by a mother of lower caste (1947).

But the same idea extends to Balinese marriage in general. Basically, spouses from inside rank higher than spouses from outside, and they produce higher ranking sons. This is true even for the masses of Sudras; here caste ideology is less clear because sundry titled groups attached to local origin points dispute their rank. Korn summarizes the endogamous preference of incorporated Sudra ancestor-groups as follows:

In general the Sudra statuses give preference (voorkeur) to marriages between people who are tunggal dadia and tunggal paibon worshipping the same gods - van een godsvereering and if the daughters do not comply, they may never more return home to cat and to pray (1932).

For a given ancestor-temple group, the highest permissible wife is one from that group. For traditional rulers and nobles classing themselves as Satria or Wesia, a woman from a house of similar status approximates an endogamous wife, since the members of a given caste-status (arya) within a kingdom are thought to descend from the same ancestor. Likewise any Brahmana woman could be construed as an insider wife by another Brahmana group, hilt Brahmanas are also split into subcastes - most emphasized by the highest one - as explained by projecting a legendary history of primal differential marriage into the past: the arch Brahmana produced the several Brahmana subcastes (accounts differ) by fathering descendants by several wives of different castes. Often an endogamous woman is designated by a higher title than an outsider. The value on endogamous wives is expressed by naming part of an ancestor temple paibuan from the Balinese root for 'mother.' Moreover, ambitious sons, who are themselves often offspring of patriparallel-cousin wives, might take multiple spouses including such a cousin. Elevated wives bear children with higher titles; the actual portion of the name indexing rank varies with locality, general caste standing, and so forth. These values complicate Balinese