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Continued... groups, as in Borneo and New Guinea; (2) territorial communities with corporate genealogical groups, as in the Minangkabau of Sumatra, (3) territorial communities, as in the principalities of Java; and (4) areas which include all of the above plus voluntary associations 1970. Since Bali fell into the fourth, residual category, adat scholars there had a complex task of documentation before them. Local integrity V.E. Korn tackled the task to become dean of Balinese adat studies. He recognized Liefrinck's formidable work as the 'foundation of every description of Balinese adat law.' But lie recalled as well van Vollenhoven's observation that Liefrinck had restricted himself to practical accounts of three central factors: indigenous land rights (grondenrecht), royal rents (landrente), and local institutions (dorpsinrichting). Moreover, Liefrinck's account of organization within and between village-areas was inadequate Korn 1932. The task for future scholarship was clear: to extend detailed compilations of native custom into more obscure areas, such as hereditary law. The pervasive pseudohistorical scherne of Korn's work - indigenous Balinese, then Hindu - can easily be mistaken in retrospect as a naive 'conjectural history' of culture waves. Yet it is more accurately understood as reflecting a critical issue of the colonial administration. The insistence on the separation even in current life between original indigenous Balinese aspects and later Hindu importations arose from a famous earlier demonstration of the non-derivative, indigenous integrity of local Indonesian culture: Snouck Hurgronje, who coined the term 'adat law,' clearly showed to what a small extent Muhammedan law accounts for the content of adat law. The same argument in relation to Hindu law was elaborated by Lekkerkerker in his Hindurecht in Indonesia 1918 (Korn 1948). Hurgronje had convincingly argued that an adequate understanding of custom and law in Acheh is not forthcoming from philological expertise in Koranic materials ( Benda 1958). This remained the position of the profieldwork faction of scholars over and against armchair anthropology. Lekkerkerker asserted the same point regarding Bali and its Sanskritic-Hindu overlay. Korn and his colleagues spent two decades confirming his assertion. Korn's massive Het Adatrecht van Bali (1932) was an exemplary product of the ,new and typically Dutch form of science.' Seven-hundred pages are packed with most of the social rules and varying customary usages known in Bali. The tom divides everything according to Western legal divisions relevant to particular beliefs or customs: family law, inheritance law, property law, criminal law, and so forth. Yet the pervading theme is not standardization, but local variation. Korn did not try to force a Western legal apparatus onto a more subtle Balinese ritual and social
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we must point out a very important distinction which the Balinese make between
two clearly separate groups of ancestors. The first of these groups consists
of the dead who are riot yet completely purified. This group is in turn subdivided
in pirata, those riot yet cremated, and pitara, those already cremated. The
former are still completely impure; the latter have been purified, but are still
considered as distinct, individual souls. The second group consists of the completely
purified ancestors who are considered as divine. Everything Bali Indonesia |
