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Music of Kebyar
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Temporal Perspectives
Village Fields
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Magnificent
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Tropical
Mahendradatta
Music of Kebyar
Administrative

Continued...

inevitably worked from the top down and only to the advantage of the rajas; he unduestimated any teal appeal of courtly culture. Moreover, an exaggerated apanage theory forestalled understanding another mode of interlocal relations that was strikingly revealed in a 1937 article by Gregory Bateson. Here we learn that even after the colonial administration had partially undermined the pacatu networks of
1 service localities' for royal properties, the so-called dorps republik themselves not content with autonomy at least in religious matters - continued linking, with myths and ritual, local pockets of homeowners to distant religious shrines. This case is all the more interesting because the rapidly Hinduizing village-area of Kayubihi is becoming involved with a group which styles itself as non-Hindu (for example, it is antipolygyny).

Bayung, like Tenganan see Korn, 19331 has a satellite village o tit side its boundaries and this is called Peludu. People from Bayung who do not obey the local rules adapt - for example, men who have two wives - go to live in Peludu and people from other communities who acquire land in Bayung (generally by lending money) come to live in Peludu to work the land while gradually they become citizens of Bayung. Peludu is a community which had grown enormously within native memory Three kilometers down the road ... is another new village called Katung. This is a colony from Kayubihi, an important village on the Bangli-Kintamani road.

These three communities form the setting in which the old temple and the scrap of new myth ... found their place as links between the three communities. The myth which they constructed contains no reference to the past; it is a bare skeleton of relationships in the present (Bateson 1970).

Bateson's study reflects the ample evidence in the 1930s that Hinduization was not necessarily imposed by an authoritarian ruler. The process of the give and take of Hinduization (and de-Hinduization) in Bali is far more complex, one might say dialectic, than Korn's apanage theory conveys. Rather than monarch regally bestowing favors on local, populations, it might sometimes have been more a matter of commoners evolving their own lord, a master of their water to help them compete with other locales. Of course, it would never look this way in legendary retrospects.
Korn's mistake came in implying his apanage model as a unified evolutionary scheme, rather than as a system of values applied differently under different cireumstances and always projected retrospectively.

Current developments in Bali reinforce our suspicion that what appeared a new-Hinduized village-area in 1930 might have even looked old-fashioned by 1940. Many Iona enduring remote enclaves of Bali Aga notwithstanding, this possibility can be inferred from Bateson's article, although it is riot stated explicitly. Moreover, Korn himself realized that an old-fashioned village might be touched by a Hindu court without totally succumbing to its influence, For example:

Villages like Bayung Gede, Kayubihi, and many in North Bali thus knew how to maintain their old-fashioned character, in spite of introduction of palace service (1932).