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patrikinswoman, is, just before marriage, ritually handled as if unrelated and contractual; and (2) a really unrelated woman is upon marriage religiously defined into the same ancestral group as her husband. The ritual of prearrangement contracts suggest that father's-brother's-daughter marriage is not conceived of as an endogamy at all. Patriparallel-cousin preferences are rather elementary structurelike provisions that assure getting spouses from near kin; they might imply a one-way hypergamous relation, or they might imply egalitarian returns of women, but this is not mapped by kinterms. The preferences close in tile range of the ideal 'alliance society' and tentatively pose a self-sustaining unit in which alliance partners are descendants of the same ancestors.

The essential dramatic tension is that someone really close, through descent or adoption, must be treated in prearrangement rituals as if distant; and someone ostensibly distant - at the most extreme, a lover clandestinely abducted from an enemy village-area'- is finally admitted into the ancestor-group. The most culturally significant marriages in Bali balance two factors: either an insider is desired as much as a distant, inaccessible lover; or an outsider takes an active role in ancestor ritual as only a true kinswoman would be expected to. The ideal spouse embodies both adventurous distance-strangeness and sheltered nearness-kinship. The ideological symbol of this ideal spouse is the twin sister who has been separated from her brother-husband until reunion upon marriage, as implied in the Panji tales. Sociological symbols of these ideal spouses are found in real cousins ritually approached as outsiders who produce elevated sons; and, at the other extreme, in abducted outsiders who, through their devotion to ancestral tasks, are eventually buried, cremated, and rendered homage as true descendants.

Second-patriparallel-cousin marriage best represents this dramatic tension. The tension is most vivid for individuals in ascendant groups that: (1) seek advantageous hypergamous or egalitarian alliances; (2) desire to conserve daughters to attest the sanctity and self-sufficiency of their ancestors' descendants; and (3) yet never forget individual love and the dangers of thwarting it. Culturally, every wedding in Bali participates in the symbology of marriage as the reuniting of an only superficially divided whole. The sociological way of achieving the true union is sacrosanct patriparallel-cousin marriage, or if not, at least marriage between status equals. The individual, mystic way of achieving an exemplary union is love; the ideological way is sibling incest. And cosmologically the love linking two personalities in this world is equated with tile incest linking the male-female components of divinity. What is love to romantic individuals is incest to the gods, and cousin spouses fall in between

What we have been viewing as a guaranteed predicament in marriage options can as easily, be projected as a theory of descent. This is precisely the achievement of Brahmana ideology in Bali. The well formed Balinese houseyard or cluster of houseyards should strengthen descent by practicing endogamy. This ideal receives thorough elaboration in the self-image of the Brahmana caste. 'Nowadays the Brahmanas still hold high the caste ideal,' attests Kersten (1947). Yet Hooy