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Baliology: twentieth- century systems
(1920-1950)
Balinese studies came of age only as the laissez-faire liberal period of the Dutch East Indies gave way to the ethical era, with its governmental economic controls and programs in education and welfare. Bali proximity to Java continued to facilitate extensive research well beyond anything warranted by the island political and economic importance. Next door the heated dialectic of colonial politics, so crucial in the administration of Java since the culture system, continued:

Thus by the end of the colonial era in Indonesia the Conservative and Liberal positions had altered almost 180' from their outlook a century or so before: The Conservative who in 1840 strongly defended the central role of government in economic life, and who looked askance at the demands of private capital to freely enter, and develop the country, by 1940 had become the principal spokesman for that capital and saw himself usually aligned against the Neo-Liberalism of the government policies of the day Issues of government control and supervision were less acute in Bali where little land was suitable for plantation crops. After 1908 scholars tended toward the neo" liberal persuasion which stressed 'a particularist view of Indonesian land rights in the context of humanitarian policy and its universalist correlates.
Moreover, in Bali both the courtly traditions and the integrity of local customary usages were commended by colonial officials.
To understand how Balinese scholars could be both pro-desa and pro-court, we must recall several fundamental contrasts with Java. Bali tipper caste houses neverendured the series of challenges to their authority suffered by the Javanese Hindu, Buddhist elites (the priyayi). Javanese priyayi jockeyed for spheres of influence throughout the nineteenth century as much of Java grew more intensely Islamic.
Moreover, both of the two major successive colonial policies in Java drastically altered the priyayi role in society:
The forced cultivation of export crops under the so-called Culture System marked the beginnings of the disintegrative process. Though it strengthened

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in Bali we must point out a very important distinction which the Balinese make between two clearly separate groups of ancestors. The first of these groups consists of the dead who are riot yet completely purified. This group is in turn subdivided in pirata, those riot yet cremated, and pitara, those already cremated. The former are still completely impure; the latter have been purified, but are still considered as distinct, individual souls. The second group consists of the completely purified ancestors who are considered as divine.
No contact is sought with the pirata, the dead who have not yet been cremated. Oil the contrary they are dangerous, Offerings must however be made for the redemption of their souls.

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