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enforce traditional sanctions against violent abduction; the girl's outrage, if riot always her family's, was to be sham only. The article notes special sentana marriages in which a son-in-law becomes legal heir; it documents customs concerning adultery and illegitimate offspring and records interesting taboos involving 'spiritual kingship' (geestelike verwantschap) which forbid marriage with a house priest's or a guru daughter. But the general account of marriage restrictions mistakes a generational kinship terminology for a prohibition oil near-kin marriage, and it assumes that relatives called by the same terms used for immediate family could not be spouses:

Marriage prohibition because of blood or affinal relations goes further for a Balinese than for us, because for him all the relatives of the same generation were placed under the same category. Thus, lie considered the child of his brother as his child.

Here the Encyclopedia was in factual error; a terminological 'brother-sister' are, under certain circumstances, preferred spouses. While in 1917 theories of caste were simplified and falsely historicized, theories of marriage were virtually lacking. The systematics of marriage remained invisible, partly because terms for kinsmen were not distinguished from marriage rules. Marriage was considered detrimental to those individuals, especially women, married against their will. We should note that while prohibiting a given marriage may oppress a particular woman's or, for that matter, man's will, it can also articulate an important social or cultural scheme. Colonial officials eventually enforced hypergamy among the upper ranks of the society; but they never learned to appreciate the significant play in cultural categories marriage necessarily entailed. They never wondered what all the marriage rites and different options and taboos might rneari, what sort of social drama they might sustain.

The Encyclopedia's treatment of agriculture and industry is accurate but necessarily brief; it commends the indigenous irrigation system:

This exceptionally satisfactory organization is not of Hindu but Of pure Balinese origin.
Then the crafts are itemized and their quality assessed: apart from tile perforillille, arts there is architecture, stonecarving, woodcarving, metal-working, plaiting and weaving; gold, silver, and iron smiths; copperwork, fired earthenware, salt, pall]]wine, lime, bricks, and so on. But, the complex social configurations and religious conceptions and taboos surrounding many of these arts and industries receive little mention.

This impressive 1917 summary concludes with rechtspraak, the most critical issue in colonial Bali, since this island of dubious economic importance could serve mainly as a proving ground for enlightened zelfbestuur. The article cites the precedence of royal ordinances (pasiwras) over any conflicting legal codes frorn the Hindu law books. Then the complex Balinese legal institutions are compressed into a paragraph. It is this system of local and pan-Balinese jurisprudence that the Dutch, whenever their conscience would permit, tried to leave intact:

 

 




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in Bali we must point out a very important distinction which the Balinese make between two clearly separate groups of ancestors. The first of these groups consists of the dead who are riot yet completely purified. This group is in turn subdivided in pirata, those riot yet cremated, and pitara, those already cremated. The former are still completely impure; the latter have been purified, but are still considered as distinct, individual souls. The second group consists of the completely purified ancestors who are considered as divine.
No contact is sought with the pirata, the dead who have not yet been cremated. Oil the contrary they are dangerous, Offerings must however be made for the redemption of their souls.

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