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Continued...

The aim of this probation document is this that its content cannot be contested in court (Adatrechtbundels 1930).
Such detail is not altogether useless for a more general ethnology. As Swellengrebel demonstrated in a later book (1948), the court records yield valuable insights into conflicts in native systems of classification and action. His analysis of a family dispute (1969) from the colonial period emphasizes stress, strategies, and competing interests and thus has a very modern ring to it. Korn, however, had ploughed these sources not for patterns of conflict, but for fine-grained details of variation.

Occasional Hinduization
Later our view on Balinese caste should illustrate the drawbacks of Korn's particularism. For now, we must note his important expansion of the old-fashioned/newfangled village-area theme. Korn called his theory of the variable penetration of royal authority and Hinduism into indigenous village republics the apanage system. Ideally it worked this way:

The raja (vorst) chose as his own representative the Pasek, guardian founder (grondvoogd), the man in whom all desa powers were united, when establishing royal power over a desa, the monarch vested the Pasek with control, with the agreement that he was responsible for raising specified levies.

The Hinduization (verhindoesching) of the desa administration signifies that the Pasek and the Bandesa originally representatives of the two halves of the desa council were later tinged Siwaic.
Supporting this scheme with his own work in old-fashioned village-areas, especially the strikingly divergent Tenganan, Korn assumes that there inevitably were one or two such clearcut individual authority figures. Later lie adds the complicating factor of the pachatu system:

This apanage territory divides into two zones: Klungkung, Bangli and.Gianyar and Mengwi, where the pachatu system was introduced; and Badung with Tabanan, forming the zone where the descendants of Aryo Damar won control and where free indigenous landed property was the general rule. In spite of this difference, in both areas (with pacatu and with indigenous ownership) the arrangement of the village is much the same. Now what do we mean by pacatu, Pacatu were originally village lands whose users the rajas made liable to palace service (pangayah kadalem). They were required to keep up the royal residence and to provide materials necessary for this maintenance, while these conscripts moreover had to bring to the raja or his representative a rural levy of rice or gold, Royal claims gradually alienated the pacatu land from the village.
This view of the apanage-pacatu system was seriously flawed: it obscured how the process could happen the other way around; how, for example, factious villageareas might seek attachments to courts - or might even fabricate their own courts-to gain the upperhand on rival neighbors. Korn made it appear that the system






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in Bali we must point out a very important distinction which the Balinese make between two clearly separate groups of ancestors. The first of these groups consists of the dead who are riot yet completely purified. This group is in turn subdivided in pirata, those riot yet cremated, and pitara, those already cremated. The former are still completely impure; the latter have been purified, but are still considered as distinct, individual souls. The second group consists of the completely purified ancestors who are considered as divine.
No contact is sought with the pirata, the dead who have not yet been cremated. Oil the contrary they are dangerous, Offerings must however be made for the redemption of their souls.

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