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semiconsciousness. In 1971 lie arose from his sickbed displaying untutored spiritual knowledge and a proclivity to enter trance; lie determined to become a ritual. specialist in acknowledgment of his cure. Legends credited his division's ancestors with once winning a competition, commissioned by the raja, among Brahmanas, Sengguhus (exorcist priests), and themselves to explore for new irrigation sources. After meditating in the forests, they discovered a spring and built a new temple there. Today this temple's festivals bring together leaders of all irrigation societies that receive water from its spring. To emphasize his group's traditional involvement the trance-prone official promoted vigorous participation in the temple's harvest rites.

This renewed interest in a remote headwater temple cannot be explained by a single factor. Motivations range from doubtlessly genuine mystical convictions to the opportunism of astute politicians, for the ancestor group's success in the 1971 elections can be partly attributed to the strong support its candidates enjoyed throughout the area whose headwater temple they help support.

Thus, capitalizing on the social relations implicit in old shrines can be politically advantageous. Yet this case is only a vivid instance of a more general feature of Balinese temples and the locales they connect. Temples serve partially as catalogues of covert interlocal ties kept in ritual reserve until conditions warrant reactivating them for various advantages, sometimes political or economic. In particular pesimpingan pedestals enabled a group to maintain distant relations even under traditional conditions of warfare. The ritual-spatial connections persist when the social bonds are dormant. Because of such temple networks, new influences in Bali whether fresh political movements or modern consumer goods - leapfrog from towns to remote settings, as innovators bypass similar temple congregations to concentrate activity at the particular sacred sites which harbor their ancestral interests. Just as real as the cosmological and ritual significance of temples are the political ambitions and status concerns they mediate. In Bali, temple networks amalgamate goal-specific strategies and religious mystical beliefs into a single framework.

Village-area, land, and lore

The relation between the sociology of temples and space is most apparent in the famous kayangan tiga, the three-temple-clusters of the village-areas (desa). Balinese commoners, especially those not organized into ancestor groups, propitiate their origainatin. Brahmana forces (Dewa Penchipta) in an origin temple (Pura puseh), which memorializes the founding. of an adat territory. An origin temple is clustered with a death temple (pura dalem) for the propitiation of Sivaic forces (Dewa Pralina) and with a meeting-house temple (pura bale agung) for the Wisnuvaic forces (Dewa Pemilihara) of maintaining ritual order and purity . Such village-area temples were supported by rajas to extend Hindu courtly patterns over the social landscape. More.


 



 




 

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in Bali we must point out a very important distinction which the Balinese make between two clearly separate groups of ancestors. The first of these groups consists of the dead who are riot yet completely purified. This group is in turn subdivided in pirata, those riot yet cremated, and pitara, those already cremated. The former are still completely impure; the latter have been purified, but are still considered as distinct, individual souls. The second group consists of the completely purified ancestors who are considered as divine.
No contact is sought with the pirata, the dead who have not yet been cremated. Oil the contrary they are dangerous, Offerings must however be made for the redemption of their souls.

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