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optional, presumably patrilineal, groups with no exogamous clans, rather preferentially pat riparallel-cousin marriage. (9) Bilateral generational kinship terms, complicated by an array of titular and status designations (cf. Geertz 1966). (10) Total incorporation of women into their husbands' lines (and traditionally, widow burning by rajas). (11) In the intensely Hinduized plains, an elaboration of death rites and subsequent cremation, whereby even the lowliest commoners participated in the elite ancesto r- focused caste-ideology. These are just to name a few; it was a provocative list, but one with little sense of interrelationship.

The other major enterprise of scholars in South Bali was the cumulative archae-
ological and philological research on the continually renewed Balinese religious
edifices and sacred texts, all critical to any serious ethnological ii.terpretation. Morc-
over, 1 Wayan Bhadra and other Balinese scholars trained in Dutch methods made
studies of their own society.' And a more pragmatic brand of research growing out
of the adatrechbundels continued until the collapse of the colonial administration.
LB. Bakker (1937), for example, described consumption patterns and itemized
family incomes and expenditures. Finally. J. Hunger amassed material on ordinary
aspects of everyday religious life in Bali. Since those first sketches of the nineteenth.
century, observers had detailed the particulars of every religious ritual. Hunger
(1937) tallied the three levels of actual cost; how much the average Balinese must
pay for the impressive series of transition rites in the life cycle, marked by: preg-
nancy', birth, afterbirth (ari-ari), loss of umbilical cord, twelfth day, forty-second
day, third month, sixth month, first teeth, every sixth month (oton), first haircut,
first menstruation, tooth filing, marriage, becoming a religious expert (mewinten),
burial, cremation, twelfth day after cremation, forty-second day after cremation,
and conclusive rite for the peace of the soul. He converted such ceremony prices,
average fes' tival-days expenditures, arld temple-niAintenance expenses into guldens
to demonstrate their costliness.'vlie Balinese mystique was obviously wearing thin.
Who knows what policies an economically minded colonial administration might
have applied to Balinese ritual traditions, whose nemesis in many ways is reformed
frugality, had it endured!

Not Africa

In an earlier study, J. Hunger charted the lack of coincidence between governmental local units and adat hamlets and village-areas. He mentions the exceptional but suggestive cases in which the council temple (bale agung) of a village-area (desa) lies outside the actual residential area of its members. Hunger's account of complexities in the relation of social units to spatial units commences with a telling anecdote:

... take an arbitrary village in South Bali and ask several residents the name of where they come from; you might be answered: this is desa Kabakaba, or desa Tjepaka, banfar (hamlet) Tegal Kepuh, or also banjar Dangihuma, depending on the



 

 

 


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in Bali we must point out a very important distinction which the Balinese make between two clearly separate groups of ancestors. The first of these groups consists of the dead who are riot yet completely purified. This group is in turn subdivided in pirata, those riot yet cremated, and pitara, those already cremated. The former are still completely impure; the latter have been purified, but are still considered as distinct, individual souls. The second group consists of the completely purified ancestors who are considered as divine.
No contact is sought with the pirata, the dead who have not yet been cremated. Oil the contrary they are dangerous, Offerings must however be made for the redemption of their souls.

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