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Continued... retains even now an air of mystery for outsiders, and its traditional occupational speciality might account in part for the policies of local endogamy (in addition to preferences for ancestor-group endogamy) reported by H. and C. Geertz. But however atypical, the advantage to this locality is the sharp focus it brings to principles of ancestor-group formation and maintenance. The quasi-incorporation of households into a public status group - with elaborate ancestor temples and legends of origins, with preferred endogamy, and with internal ranks, role differentiation, and sometimes occupational specialization - is a central concern of the second part of the present study. As H. and C. Geertz argue, only by emphasizing this commoner option can the centuries-old view by outsiders of the disjunction between noble practices and commoner customs be bridged. Nevertheless, a particular locality in Bali might reveal little or no ancestor- group organization at all: The forces determining the formation of a dadia out of an undifferentiated mass of houseyards and houseyard clusters are various. Wealth, which makes larger temples and more elaborate ceremonies possible, is obviously one such factor. The accidents of birthrate in small groups, are also of importance. The strength of status strivings, which are in part a reflex of the caste (or title group) composition of the village plays a role as well. Villages containing only a few commoner castes of nearly equal rank seem especially liable, for example, to develop strong dadia organization, because the struggle for local eminence in such communities tends to be keen. The relative strength of non-kinship organization which can serve as corporate sub-group within the hamlet is also relevant. In some villages, for example, the expression of status rivalry may appear in the form of competition between dance, drama, and music groups formed on a voluntary, achieved skill basis rather than in the form of kin-based dadias, and such voluntary groups may take on broadly social, political, economic, and even religious functions as well H. and C. Geertz.
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we must point out a very important distinction which the Balinese make between
two clearly separate groups of ancestors. The first of these groups consists
of the dead who are riot yet completely purified. This group is in turn subdivided
in pirata, those riot yet cremated, and pitara, those already cremated. The
former are still completely impure; the latter have been purified, but are still
considered as distinct, individual souls. The second group consists of the completely
purified ancestors who are considered as divine. Everything Bali Indonesia |
