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Car and steed and
gilded palace, vain are these to woman's life, Dearer is her husband's
shadow to the loved and loving wife The Balinese case
supports Wilder's remark that in kinship studies 'tile illusion of exclusive
typecases needs replacing by some looser arrangement of' combinatory possibilities,
as proposed long ago by Lowie' (1973). Two typecase illusions about Balinese
marriage recur in the Dutch and English record. Belo (1936) emphasizes
the preferred union of F1)13 or F1713S1); this classic article failed
to influence much of the subsequent literature which was concerned with
general theories of patriparaliel-cousin-marriage systems (Khuri 1970).
Korn (1932) and many others singled out ritualized marriage by capture
as the particularly commoner trait .3 While both patriparallel-cousin
marriage norms and mock capture rites are important in Bali, each must
be understood as part of a set of options, including: (1) individualized
unions supported by literate and folk traditions of romantic love, (2)
alliances across groups commensurate with political and economic opportunities,
(3) temple group endogamy (including patriparallel-cousin unions and less
genealogically precise unions) reflecting beliefs in ancestral demands
to demonstrate ascendant status. A given type of marriage cannot properly
be said to characterize a particular social status because alternative
marriages are themselves devices for asserting status. The interrelations
of this cultural triad of marriage values and the social 'registers' of
each type can be diagrammed to illustrate the essential alliance issue:
the significance of the marriage bond beyond facilitating simple cohesion. Marriage by capture (ngerorod) does not necessarily interrelate different houseyards. Mock capture - true capture is now illegal - is the favored idiom of elopement. Two Balinese individuals may just elope, or they may elope with the fanfare of a capture. A clandestine elopement which is subsequently recognized by the husband's house and hamlet is the ordinary Balinese marriage pattern. (On the rituals of legitimation see Covarrubias 1937). By discarding their daughter, the girl's family precludes extended affinal relations, or tier family might later recognize the Marriage and effectively prearrange it ex post facto in order to convert the elopement of individuals into an alliance of groups with mutual invitations to life-crisis rituals. If not, when combined with the woman's lack of property and her ceremonial incorporation into tier husband's ancestor-group, elopement minimizes the
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Village
Fields Traditions Representatives Relationships Residential Ancestor Ngerainin Social Matrix High Status Subak Technical Term Dutch Control Afterbirth Ritual Limits Tabanan Bureucrats Urbanization Cultural Psycological Rama Romesh Social Register Precolonial Public Marriage Travelling Endogamy Articulates Brahmana Family Marriage Restriction Documented |
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we must point out a very important distinction which the Balinese make between
two clearly separate groups of ancestors. The first of these groups consists
of the dead who are riot yet completely purified. This group is in turn subdivided
in pirata, those riot yet cremated, and pitara, those already cremated. The
former are still completely impure; the latter have been purified, but are still
considered as distinct, individual souls. The second group consists of the completely
purified ancestors who are considered as divine. Everything Bali Indonesia |
