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Story of Bali, Indonesia

Car and steed and gilded palace, vain are these to woman's life, Dearer is her husband's shadow to the loved and loving wife
Happier than in father's mansions in the woods will Sita rove, Waste no thought on home or kindred, nestling in her husband's love. And where in the lake of lotus tuneful ducks their plumage lave, Let me with my loving Rama skim the cool translucent wave (Sita's Song to Rama Romesh C. Dutt, trans., 1910)

The Balinese case supports Wilder's remark that in kinship studies 'tile illusion of exclusive typecases needs replacing by some looser arrangement of' combinatory possibilities, as proposed long ago by Lowie' (1973). Two typecase illusions about Balinese marriage recur in the Dutch and English record. Belo (1936) emphasizes the preferred union of F1)13 or F1713S1); this classic article failed to influence much of the subsequent literature which was concerned with general theories of patriparaliel-cousin-marriage systems (Khuri 1970). Korn (1932) and many others singled out ritualized marriage by capture as the particularly commoner trait .3 While both patriparallel-cousin marriage norms and mock capture rites are important in Bali, each must be understood as part of a set of options, including: (1) individualized unions supported by literate and folk traditions of romantic love, (2) alliances across groups commensurate with political and economic opportunities, (3) temple group endogamy (including patriparallel-cousin unions and less genealogically precise unions) reflecting beliefs in ancestral demands to demonstrate ascendant status. A given type of marriage cannot properly be said to characterize a particular social status because alternative marriages are themselves devices for asserting status. The interrelations of this cultural triad of marriage values and the social 'registers' of each type can be diagrammed to illustrate the essential alliance issue: the significance of the marriage bond beyond facilitating simple cohesion.
This produces a scheme of the cultural components of marriage
Type A: capture

Marriage by capture (ngerorod) does not necessarily interrelate different houseyards. Mock capture - true capture is now illegal - is the favored idiom of elopement. Two Balinese individuals may just elope, or they may elope with the fanfare of a capture. A clandestine elopement which is subsequently recognized by the husband's house and hamlet is the ordinary Balinese marriage pattern. (On the rituals of legitimation see Covarrubias 1937). By discarding their daughter, the girl's family precludes extended affinal relations, or tier family might later recognize the Marriage and effectively prearrange it ex post facto in order to convert the elopement of individuals into an alliance of groups with mutual invitations to life-crisis rituals. If not, when combined with the woman's lack of property and her ceremonial incorporation into tier husband's ancestor-group, elopement minimizes the

 


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in Bali we must point out a very important distinction which the Balinese make between two clearly separate groups of ancestors. The first of these groups consists of the dead who are riot yet completely purified. This group is in turn subdivided in pirata, those riot yet cremated, and pitara, those already cremated. The former are still completely impure; the latter have been purified, but are still considered as distinct, individual souls. The second group consists of the completely purified ancestors who are considered as divine.
No contact is sought with the pirata, the dead who have not yet been cremated. Oil the contrary they are dangerous, Offerings must however be made for the redemption of their souls.

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