The Wayback Machine - https://web.archive.org/all/20040308231638/http://www.yudhara.com:80/_vti/indonesia_bali_lombok_204.htm
     

Advantages
Music of Kebyar
Commoners
Temporal Perspectives

Village Fields
Knowledge
Magnificent
Betutu
Evidences
Tropical
Mahendradatta
Music of Kebyar
Administrative

 
Story of Bali, Indonesia

volved in social and psychological needs and structuralist decipherment of imagery from native classifications are found to be more complementary than at odds,
Our approach draws on so-called alliance theory (Dumont 1968; Buchler and Selby 1968), in that we ask how exchanged women (or self-consciously not exchanged women who find spouses within the family) do or do not distinguish and interrelate categories of groups. However, Bali lacks any closed-system representation - such as Dravidian terms within its caste-statuses, or a small set of original exogamous clans, or any similar 'ordered universe of linked categories' - that would suggest alliance theory is suitable for Balinese marriage (cf. second opening epigraph). Furthermore, the island displays one custom - patrilateral-parallel-cousin marriage (FBD, FFBS1) which, judging from the alliance school's 'blind spot against parallel cousin marriage' (Das 1973), might discourage applying alliance concepts at all.' It is, however, fruitful to plot the social and semantic uses of the marriage bond here, if only to rethink this basic assumption in one variety of alliance theory:

There are two kinds of marriage. The first results from the whims of two persons pa acting as private individuals; the second is a systematically organized affair which forms part of a series of contractual obligations between two social groups (Leach 1961).

In Bali this twofold scheme collapses, because organized, contractual marriages can occur between two actors (for example, a man's son and his brother's daughter) who, for kinship purposes other than the marriage, belong to the same social group. In other words, if two members of tire same group marry, they are treated ritually as if they come from different groups. This type of marriage is trot between different existent social units; rather, the marriage alone represents those. involved as two distinct groups. Our aim is to explain this practice and to suggest Why the marriage typology which opposes private-individual to intergroup-contractual is inadequate.

Alliance theory can advance our understanding of Balinese marriage b tit it cannot exhaust the subject, because marriage options reveal the conflictive forms of drama. Individuals, groups, and, it is believed, ancestors have distinct and often opposed interests. this insures recurring predicaments. Finally, marriage here is less a matter of connecting individuals or groups than of sustaining a social individual, and cosmic hierarchy. Enmeshed in his ritualized, sometimes optional organizational modes, 'the individual Balinese is forever picking his way, like a tight-rope walker, afraid at any moment lest lie make some mis-step (Bateson 1949). In marriage such potential missteps are many, and the effort here as in other social and ritual domains is to maximise something which we may call stability' (1949), provided we appreciate the Complexity of its components.

Primary positive standards

Sire nor son nor loving brother rules the wedded woman's state, With her lord she falls or rises, with her consort courts her fate.


Village Fields
Traditions
Representatives
Relationships
Residential
Ancestor
Ngerainin
Social Matrix
High Status
Subak
Technical Term
Dutch Control
Afterbirth
Ritual Limits
Tabanan
Bureucrats
Urbanization
Cultural
Psycological
Rama Romesh
Social Register
Precolonial
Public Marriage
Travelling
Endogamy
Articulates
Brahmana
Family Marriage
Restriction
Documented
 

For more Bali hotels Bali activities information and reservation

Bali hotels in Bali hotel Bali accommodation Travel | bali hotels | Bali Golf Bali Spa Bali Diving Bali Rafting

in Bali we must point out a very important distinction which the Balinese make between two clearly separate groups of ancestors. The first of these groups consists of the dead who are riot yet completely purified. This group is in turn subdivided in pirata, those riot yet cremated, and pitara, those already cremated. The former are still completely impure; the latter have been purified, but are still considered as distinct, individual souls. The second group consists of the completely purified ancestors who are considered as divine.
No contact is sought with the pirata, the dead who have not yet been cremated. Oil the contrary they are dangerous, Offerings must however be made for the redemption of their souls.

Everything Bali Indonesia