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Story of Bali, Indonesia Balinese person, are far from obliterated in the houseyard. Tile Balinese individual participates in matrixes of potentially conflicting role sets that rival sociology's view of modernity. In times past the fellow sitting beside someone on his banjar council was potentially an enemy in war, in the not unlikely event of a royal dynastic coup. Or currently the relative of a corpse one is burying today is tomorrow's political opponent. Or in a drought the subak of one's brother and co-resident might be caught diverting irrigation water from one's own canals. Thus cross-cutting loyalties even penetrate the yard. The walled-in houseyard is at best only a relative locus of esprit de corps within the matrixes of obligations. The same life-crisis ceremonies that bind individuals vertically to a houseyard temple insure that they can vacate that yard without totally sacrificing the affective identity that ties them to it. Pesimpingan shrines guarantee as much. At any one time houseyard walls mark the sociological boundaries of a group. But as the site of life-crisis markers, the yard also expresses the religious identity of its members. If the members of one yard divide and relocate, any ties that remain are mediated through their mutual vertical-past relations to a common yard. In general, if group A produces two offshoot groups - B and C - the latter two can manifest strong solidarity only via the houseyard temple of group A. And the houseyard as a cultural unit remains intact, even though its membership might change or completely turn over.
Since Indonesian independence Bali has been adjusting to air exploding population and a burgeoning national bureaucracy which together can produce severe dislocation---How these developments-reconfirm the ritual significance of the houseyard can be illustrated by a special new neighborhood in Tabanan town. Taman Sari is an
area inhabited by about fifty families, many of whose fathers are urbane
professionals. Their houseyards occupy terraced rows of newly drained
paddy, precious productive land engulfed by the expanding town. The area
is thought of vaguely as a neighborhood (rukun tetangga). In 1970 it was
designated a governmental banjar to become the sixteenth bureaucratic
town, complete with its own administrator (klian) and divided into three
complexes with a messenger to advise of deaths and deliver official letters.
Residents assist each other on a basis of voluntary cooperation - helping
if a house burns, witnessing birth anniversary festivities, and so on.
But nothing conclusive can be effected here concerning matters of adat.
Marriages, burials, and cremations must be carried out in affiliation
with residents' customary banjar of origin. Either the proper expert is
fetched to witness the ceremony, or, if kinship relations are still good,
t lie ceremony is performed back in the houseyard of origin.
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Village
Fields Traditions Representatives Relationships Residential Ancestor Ngerainin Social Matrix High Status Subak Technical Term Dutch Control Afterbirth Ritual Limits Tabanan Bureucrats Urbanization Cultural Psycological Rama Romesh Social Register Precolonial Public Marriage Travelling Endogamy Articulates Brahmana Family Marriage Restriction Documented |
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we must point out a very important distinction which the Balinese make between
two clearly separate groups of ancestors. The first of these groups consists
of the dead who are riot yet completely purified. This group is in turn subdivided
in pirata, those riot yet cremated, and pitara, those already cremated. The
former are still completely impure; the latter have been purified, but are still
considered as distinct, individual souls. The second group consists of the completely
purified ancestors who are considered as divine. Everything Bali Indonesia |
