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progressive influences are felt not by neighbors, but by people who share the same ancestors, real or fictive. This is true even if an individual's kinsmen stay in the country when he comes to town, for his basic identity remains at the location of his ancestral source. There is a persistent positive value on remote origins. It is the continued propitiation of the source (Kawitan) that belies the governmental office's concentric circles of diminishing progressivity around an urban core.

Many current bureaucrats tapped into the educational system and posttraditional service professions when the Dutch were conferring preferential treatment on elite Balinese. Today a civil servant employed far from his customary hamlet often fulfills his adat obligations by paying a fee to cover the inevitable neglect of his duties, although some banjars are more conservative, and generally no exemptions front witnessing cremations are permitted. In this case a man maintains only one set of adat affiliations. In a later chapter we shall see that the surest way to perpetuate home ties is to belong to a strong ancestor group that can protect a man's local rights even in his absence, since such groups are less dependent on a banjar organization for carrying out domestic rituals.

A more extreme strain on adat ties arises when a highly successful bureaucrat receives town housing. He might affiliate with the banjar adat there, perhaps an association of perfectly traditional houseyards surrounding a set of shiny, modern bungalows. He could participate in its ceremonial responsibilities (suka-duka), but his own adat riles still occur in his banjar and houseyard of origin. This situation, which we glimpsed in a preliminary form in Taman Sari, is today designated a double-banjar membership. A cluster of motives explains this deflection of time, energy, and resources to a remote houseyard source: (1) an underlying belief that ancestors are linked to a sacred point of origin; (2) maintenance of local rights in houseland owned by the banjar (and as of recentjand reform, maintenance of rights to own agricultural land in one's original subdistrict (3) care for the elders, sometimes together with stioporting an endogarnous country wife as well as a second outsider spouse in town; (4) provisions for courtlike leisurely pastimes amidst gardens and aviaries, and eventual retirement; and (5) perhaps most importantly, maintaining good familial and banjar relations that will insure a final resting spot and proper ceremonies after death in keeping with one's locally, defined rank. The last point is an articulate Balinese concern of utmost intensity. Old folks whose successful sons are living far off in town with their immediate families recount how the sons have to follow their work, how they come home often with little presents, and 'besides after retirement they will return here and lie and be buried and cremated and that's what's important.
Part of the distinctive shape of Balinese urbanization and so-called modernization stems from the potency, of desa origins. In this respect Bali contrasts vividly, with parts of neighboring Java, where 'townsnien, particularly the pegawai civil servants and merchants, rarely have houses in villages
(H. Geertz 1963). A Balinese urbanite, even a religiously skeptical technocrat, remains tied to his original yard, much in the same way that an entire ancestor-group partakes of the nature of its