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Type C: endogamy

Intratemple marriage or ancestor-group endogamy is complicated by the two major kinds of temple congregations mentioned previously: (1) the three-temple-clusters of village-areas (desas) which consist of three religions sites (origin temple, council louse temple, death temple) for contacting the deities influencing the surrounding territory; (2) ancestor temples where reputed descendants of all original founder contact ancestral spirits. At their most distinct, ancestor-temple congregations consist of actual agnatic descendants (yard owners) of a founder, together with outsider wives and endogamous wives. But often such congregations are composed of only reputed descendants of a founder; many of the yards supporting the temple have been redefined by mystical pronouncements, sometimes in light of pragmatic needs of temple maintenance. Finally, as the Dutch literature stresses, tile distinction between the two types call blur. Ancestor temples might develop into village area temples with superior core congregations descended from original settlers.

But in general, temple Type-2 has an explicit ancestral component in its definition; Type-1 does not. Accordingly, at one extreme, Balinese social organization reveals little ancestor ideology. Individual houseyards, which are seldom deeper than three generations, propitiate deities in village-area temples; as the houseyards grow, they simply replicate their own membership or divide. Against this extreme appears the option of monumentalizing an ancestral source ill a separate temple. The assorted houseyards that support a public ancestor temple may all be contiguous and fall within the same customary hamlet. Or they may all be affiliated with the same village-area temple cluster but lie ill several customary hamlets. Or they may include far flung houseyards whose residents supposedly abandoned their original locale. We saw in Chapter 4 that while inhabitants of simple houseyards have only their village-area temples for revering deities, a bonafide ancestor-group boasts specific idealized forebears.'0 Since all ancestor temple requires a sufficiently populous group to maintain it, its very existence implies a pool of potential spouses
who are also temple mates. lit short, the group s ceremonial activities and often its youths' marriage needs call be satisfied ill great part by persons counted as descendants of the same ancestors.
There is a range of implications for Balinese endogamy. A titled ancestor-group might supplement its endogamous tendencies with restrictions against marrying out of' the hamlet, effectively localizing the endogamous group (cf. Geertz 1967; Geertz and Geertz 1975). But these secondary endogamous provisions are optional, and they are rejected by groups seeking to establish a wider temple network, partly
through translocal marriages construed as endogamous unions within a diffused ancestor group organization. Under traditional conditions of local hostilities and status competition, to marry outside one's temple group often meant to marry a ritual stranger or all merry and inevitably to marry an unequal; this was effected by
capture. The only certain source of near equal brides was one's own ancestor-group.