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looked less geographically mobile than for the period imunediately prior. Even though Balinese society is densely populated, highly stratified, and complexly differentiated, it is at the same time sharply localized. Nearly every relationship is both a personal one, in the sense that the actors have been fully acquainted and also a clearly defined one (H. Geertz 1963). But there remains a peculiar aspect to Balinese localism which sets it apart from general stereotypes of traditional societies. Social units are tied to spatial units without being exactly territorialized. A long-time personal acquaintance is often a member of a distant temple congregation, to which one journeys on festival days. An individual or group is primarily localized in its houseyard or set of houseyards and secondarily localized in the banjar residential-complex and in the village-area religious zone. But such secondary locates can include far flung temples. Thus social groups in Bali are not in any simple sense territorialized, and a group's social identity can persist if it migrates, even (traditionally) across kingdoms. This matter can
be expressed another way: while corporate groups are merely optional,
corporate locations are fundamental. Bali contains two primary types of
practical space: walled-in yards for domestic life, and irrigated fields
for rice production. Both are cleared from the dense tropical forest,
ideally to remain for all time. The religious well-being of domestic space
is assured through the civic, death, and cremation regulations of banjar
organization. The religious well-being of paddy is assured through the
ritual and practical regulations of subak organization. And the successful
maintenance and balance of domestic life and agricultural life is celebrated
in village-area temples that themselves assure the well-being of a territory.
The spaces and the relations among them are fixed, groups that attend
to the religious needs of spaces are flexible. This basic principle in Balinese social dynamics can perhaps be clarified by examining the relation of the individual to his enelosed houseyard (pekarangan). J Kersten, forcibly struck by the visual contribution of houseyard walls, paused to fancy their dematerializaton: Were there no dividing walls (scheideingmuren), then the entire village-area would afford nothing to see, other than little clay constructions with grassroots, sheltered among coconut palms and fruit trees. These on. line with their countless fine extensions bestow order and harmony of the picture of the desa ( 1947). The Balinese houseyard is the individual's protected place - often in precolonial times his fortified place - which contains his most intimate temple and its shrine to
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we must point out a very important distinction which the Balinese make between
two clearly separate groups of ancestors. The first of these groups consists
of the dead who are riot yet completely purified. This group is in turn subdivided
in pirata, those riot yet cremated, and pitara, those already cremated. The
former are still completely impure; the latter have been purified, but are still
considered as distinct, individual souls. The second group consists of the completely
purified ancestors who are considered as divine. Everything Bali Indonesia |