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Story of Bali, Indonesia

logical context in which such careful regulation is unnecessary. This is the alternate harvest ritual format considered most auspicious if all paddy has been harvested simultaneously and its bounty celebrated in unison. However, even when the staggered cycles of planting which maximize the efficient use of scarce water are not required, the cycles are still recognized in the rituals conducted at the irrigation temples. There is, in short, what we might call an archival aspect to the rice cult which allows for the reactivation of staggered cycles, choreographed, so to speak, according to the ritual calendar that continues apace regardless of actual water conditions. In a sense, the rituals store information that increases the irrigation system's adaptability in the complex process of continually expanding irrigated fields. A not too-conjectural mainstay in the history of Balinese irrigation would run as follows: a new spring is tapped and the surrounding forest land converted into paddy; for a while water is ample, but as more lands are opened for cultivation, either water must be augmented or staggered cycles of usage commenced. later, if several very wet seasons ensue, or particularly if new sources of water are discovered and channeled into the system, then the staggering can be gradually relaxed. And the impulse to return to simultaneous harvests will persist, since this practice releases everyone from the more arduous field chores to perform concerted harvest rituals, and other ceremonial works (Karya).

This capacity for switching between simultaneous harvesting and staggered harvesting, each of which responds to different practical exigencies and social preferences, reflects alternate expectations among Balinese concerning the water supply, expectations most systematically expressed in the contrast between harvest festivals called ngebekin and those called ngusaba. The contrast is outlined by Grader in his discussion of three varieties of Balinese irrigation shrines: (1) small, unwalled offering columns at sluice points or weirs (chatu), (2) headwater temples for one or more subaks (pura ulun charik) and (3)'sanctuaries which were originally desa temples that one or more subaks helped to worship, after which in the course of time, all the expenses connected with the temple services and offering ceremonials have, gradually fallen to the subak or subaks, though others may continue to participate in its services, either as a desa or as individuals (pura penyungsungan subak)

For all the temples and other places of worship there are certain times when religious ceremonies are held, either periodically or as occasion demands. The periodical ceremonies are divided into ngerainin and ngebekin or ngusaba.

Ngerainin consists of making a flower offering in the puras ulun charik and penyungsungan subak; it takes place on certain favorable days (rerainan) such as full moon, new moon, Wednesday-Klion, Anggara Kasih (Tuesday-K lion), and the like, and is performed by the pemangku without the members of the subak being present. No ngerainin takes place at the chatus, which, since they are not puras, do not have pemangkus.

The harvest festival is celebrated in the last stage of the ripening of the rice, in alternate years as ngebekin and ngusaba. New moon is considered a favorable time for ngebekin, while ngusaba takes place at full moon. The former ceremony has t character of an offering to the demons; the latter, primarily a festival of thanksgiving