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life. Thus each yard is religiously significant in spite of the fact it is not welded in 0 a customary hamlet. To live in a yard only affiliated to a banjar adat through the intermediary of another yard is viewed as an unstable circumstance, eventually to be rectified by the creation of a banjar adat in Taman Sari. Yet it is not certain that even then all residents would join the new customary council (krama). Nevertheless, it is the religious identity of a yard which enables an ambivalent social situation like Taman Sari to arise at all.

Other developments in Tabanan - also characteristic of Singaraja, Den Pasar, and a few other commercial and administrative centers - suggest some particular qualities of Balinese towns. Tabanan is, we recall, according to the adat mode merely a desa supported by thirteen banjars and partly supported (that is, either its death temple or its origin temple) by a few other customary associations. It is an extreme case of stultified desa-dynamics - a village-area that forgot to divide. Around 17,000 people (over 1,000 heads of families) support this single three temple-cluster. Although there are plans to subdivide the governmental area of Tabanan town into more manageable administrative units, there is no movement to divide it into smaller three-temple-cluster adat congregations.

A standard model of urban change might detect here built-in implications of rationalization: (1) the more families to support a temple-cluster, the less cost per capita; and (2) the more crowded houseyards to prepare offerings, the less time consuming ceremonial tasks for any individual, especially since only one representative from a kitchen (kuren) need attend many actual temple ceremonies. Thus, a soaring population plus diminishing ceremonial responsibilities could have worked together to yield surplus manpower for the nonagricultural occupations proliferating tinder Dutch and subsequently Indonesian bureaucracy. A classic urban/rural dichotomy should have arisen with a town asopposed to a folk ethos. Such in fact is the official Indonesian administrative vie w, promulgated by the office of the Tabanan chief district officer. Government charts show four zones marked by diminishing progressivity: the town, the fringes of the town, traditional desas, and isolated desas, usually in the mountains. Progress is viewed in terms of education and orientation to the Indonesian nation as opposed to local religious traditionalism.

However, this theoretical net of a Jakarta-oriented officialdom lets important facts slip through. For example, Tabanan town contains in its heart banjar-Malkangin composed of traditionally separatist Pandes, who never proceed beyond grammar school. On the other hand the long, sloping northbound road displays afternoon streams of high schoolers, academicians, and bureaucrats cycling to their upland homes. Moreover, locales such as Parigkong Prabit and Sangolan - within a few minutes' walking. distance of Tabanan's assorted secondary schools - still display teknonymous terms of address (a custom considered rustic by superior-castes in court towns), and they esteem Pan as a high respect title above ordinary Nang, rather than I Gde above ordinary Pan. Oil the other hand a distant village like Tangguntiti reveals more townlike terminological usages and an array of civil servants, in part because of its important elevated Sudra group. These facts demonstrate that