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Balipedia: concerted documentation
frinck's work Geertz has summarized this 'sociological defining feature of the Balinese irrigation system.'
it is organized into a separate independent, completely autonomous social. This membership is completely independent of any other social characteristic residence (all or most subak have people from various villages, and any one individual with much land at aft will belong to several subak), caste, kinship position, and so on (1912).

This institution is insulated, at least de lure, from matters of kinship: one's subak interests can conflict with those of a brother or a soil. Or nowadays subsistence is oil a different secioligical axis from politics or anything else: one's owl] interests call conflict with those of a member of the same party, a colleague or boss, and so oil. How much this is so should become clear later. Perhaps even more important, rice irrigation is insulated from other components of the subsistence system as well:

It must also be stressed that the subak is in no sense a collective farm. Oil his own land (which he can sell, rent, tenant, or whatever, as he wishes), within the regulation set by the subak, the individual peasant is his own master working in his own way, consuming (or selling) his own produce. The subak never engages in the actual process of cultivation as such nor, as 1 say of marketing; it regulates irrigation and that's all it does (1972).

Over the centuries institutions surrounding Balinese irrigation have beer constantly refined to insure the maximum production - however irregular the distribution of one highly regarded commodity and to prevent ally conceivable advantage from accruing. to the failure to achieve maximum production, given the water conditions. Diminished production hurts only oneself, or rather one's immediate hearth - those persons, usually husband, wife and children, eating from the same rice pot.

This is, baldly stated, what Liefrinck discerned, although lie never analyzed it ill a very schematic fashion. He detailed the procedures of`council organization and the functioning of the irrigation temples that give Balinese agriculture an air more of ritual action than of subsistence behavior. The basic principle is simple:

Those members with the same allocation of water are all obligated to participate to the same extent in the work that is collectively performed (Liefrinck 1969).
Of course in reality there were and are many provisions for sharecropping, for purchasing exemptions, and for delegating tasks. Fligh-caste landowners can persistently eschew physical labor as beneath them. But the responsibility, and council vote, of each subak member has traditionally been equal, regardless of rank.


Avoidin. conflicts and markets

The complex rules, rights, and regulations are as meticulous in the water control of subak as in the religious affairs of village areas and in the funeral and cremation



 

 


 

 




Institutions
Hamlets
Member Draw
Encyclopedia
Offspring
The Raja's
Indian Optic
Consideration
Flexibilities
Irrigation
Individual
Prohibition
Commoners
Abduction
Raden pan kertas
Baliology
Liberal
Borneo
Pan Sukarja
Hinduization
Palace Service
Central east
Significance
Patrilineal
Desa Adat
Student
Metamode
Tribal Africa
Tihingan
Formation
 

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in Bali we must point out a very important distinction which the Balinese make between two clearly separate groups of ancestors. The first of these groups consists of the dead who are riot yet completely purified. This group is in turn subdivided in pirata, those riot yet cremated, and pitara, those already cremated. The former are still completely impure; the latter have been purified, but are still considered as distinct, individual souls. The second group consists of the completely purified ancestors who are considered as divine.
No contact is sought with the pirata, the dead who have not yet been cremated. Oil the contrary they are dangerous, Offerings must however be made for the redemption of their souls.

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