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relative to the final union of Panji, prince of Koripan and his preordained mate he the sun, she the moon, both the complementary twin offspring of the gods. (See Chapter 9.)

The cultural argument

There is greater similarity from this point of view between the morganatic marriage of a king and the incestuous marriage of a subject than there is between the incestuous marriage of a king and the incestuous marriage of a subject, for a morganatic marriage fails to produce an expected alliance between social groups just as does the subject's incestuous marriage (Fortune 1932).

To evoke Bali's marriage system we have highlighted symbols at the cultural level of the individual (love), the social (prearrangement ceremonies, patricousin distance), and the ideological (incest), always with two themes in mind. First, any system of action must allow for individual-personality variations through cultural values which do not coincide with sociostrategical ends or even ultimate religious meaning. Much
alliance theory has typologized societies in terms of positive marriage prescriptions that imply holistic social classifications; but the theory has neglected the room made for individual preferences at odds with positive alliance categories. The point is often made that individual preference is not a 'social fact' and remains outside the systematic basis of the society. But, as the Balinese case suggests, the value of indi-
vidual love is itself a social fact. In Bali, native ideas of personality needs are critical in appreciating how marriage preferences are implemented and how deviation from such preferences is tolerated. Bali as a social system of patrilateral-parallel-cousin marriage cannot be analyzed apart from Bali as a social system of individual romantic marriage. Balinese culture itself takes into account individual wills out of line with alliance or religious values. The dramatic conflicts necessarily engendered are rarely a simple matter of deviant personalities thwarting a patently oppressive social system. (In the previous case study, for example, the girl who resisted family marriage had both hypergamy and the respect for individual love on her side.) Rather, the culture provides the individual adventurer, the sociostrategical group, and the ancestral religion each a means of arguing its case, so to speak, in accordance with the ideals of all three.

The second theme has been that cultural interpretation of action systems can be complemented by structuralist codification of conventional, recurring rituals, legends, and native formulations. A structuralist ratio of the homologous structure between the mythological and sociological planes of our study would be:
twin marriage : sibling marriage first-cousin marriage : second-cousin marriage However, if we refer this ratio back to the symbols of social action, a more adequate characterization of Balinese marriage appears: (1) a really near relation, especially a