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Thomas Pickering, Under Secretary for Political Affairs
Address in Athens, Greece, February 2, 2000
As delivered
Greece and the United States: A Partnership for Southeastern Europe I'm delighted to be here in Athens and at the Zappeio to talk about the United States, our long-standing friends and allies such as Greece, and our new partners in southeastern Europe and how they can work together to transform the region. I am here as part of an 11-day, eight-country trip. The purpose of this speech in Athens is to highlight the importance we attach to Greece and its significant contributions to building a better future for southeastern Europe.
This marvelous building and the garden and park around it were donated by a 19th century Epirote who came from what is now Albania. The story offers a lesson for the Balkans. Evangellis Zappas and the executor of his estate, his cousin Konstantinos, were ethnic Greeks. After participating in Greece's fight for independence, Evangellis went to Romania and made his fortune in agriculture and associated enterprises -- what we call now agri-business -- with interests throughout the whole Balkan region. He believed in the power of transformation through private initiative and through civic power as he demonstrated through impressive donations to the Greek people and government.
Leaders of the far-flung Greek diaspora of the 19th century knew then as their descendants know today that principles and values do matter. Indeed, Americans greatly respect Greece because here in Greece many of the ideas and principles they revere were born and first flourished. Liberty, democracy, and economic prosperity are essential if free people, free societies, and stable nations are to prosper.
Principles and values are lasting. But the tensions and divisions in southeastern Europe that we are struggling against today, whether they come from the legacy of communism or ethnic hatred, are not. These divisions can, through the efforts of governments, non-governmental organizations, and individuals, be set aside. Southeastern Europe can achieve the democracy, stability, and economic prosperity common to the rest of Europe and the transatlantic community.
This goal for southeastern Europe is linked to the historic, greater vision of a Europe whole, free, and at peace. It was deftly summarized by one of my very distinguished predecessors, Robert Lovett, who served George C. Marshall. "Our objective should continue to be the progressively closer integration, both economic and political, of presently free Europe and eventually of as much of Europe as becomes free."
Lovett said these words in 1948. It was at the beginning of the Cold War, and his generation's vision spanned the entire continent. It animated all of those seeking a better life throughout central and eastern Europe and the former Soviet Union -- all of those who a decade ago, after 40 years of struggle, freed themselves and ended the Cold War.
Their triumph has given us the historic opportunity to complete the job that Lovett's generation started. We are creating a new transatlantic community that promises a better life for people across the entire continent.
This new Europe is within our grasp. It is not yet reality. The transition from closed to open economies, while necessary, has been painful. The promise of an open society has not yet been felt by all. A democratic peace has taken hold across much of the continent. But it has not taken hold everywhere. There are still dictators in our midst who challenge our values and threaten our interests.
You may ask why I, as an American, use the word "our" to describe Europe. The answer is simple. Americans have been involved in two hot wars and one cold war in Europe in the last century. For 55 years, since 1945, we have committed our blood and treasure to avoid a repeat of those tragedies. We have supported a transatlantic connection to tie us closer together. We believe that speaking of Europe in terms of our interests, hopes, and aspirations is not only rational and responsible, but also justified.
The conflict in Kosovo last year was a dramatic manifestation of Balkan tensions. In Kosovo, the transatlantic community faced a clear choice. Would Europe's future be shaped by divisive and brutal intolerance? Or would it be shaped by democratic integration into the European and transatlantic mainstream?
Our answer was clear and our actions decisive: In Kosovo, we stood together to defend a new Atlantic Community -- one that encompasses east as well as west, one that is based on democracy and human rights, market economics, and cooperative security.
This conflict imposed great hardships on the people of southeastern Europe and their neighbors. But together our alliance persevered. During our united campaign, we understood the reasons for Greek objections and worked to take them into account as we dealt with a problem we all faced -- ensuring that the Balkans do not become the cockpit for conflict in the beginning of the 21st century or the locus for new or enlarged ethnic cleansing.
During his recent visit to Athens, President Clinton reemphasized the importance of the Greek-American relationship for both of our countries, as well as for the region. He said he believed that we must look beyond differing national perspectives over the past and join together to focus on present and future imperatives. In particular, we must work together to create a better future for the region and all of southeastern Europe.
We do not want to have to go to war in the region ever again. Our goal is to address actively the causes of conflict and to transform the region so that the horrors of the Balkan wars are never repeated.
As President Clinton said many times, the United States is committed to do for southeastern Europe what we helped to do for Western Europe after World War II and for central Europe after the Cold War. We will work with you and your neighbors to build multiethnic democracies, uphold common standards of human rights, open borders to trade and investment, give people reason to hope for a better life, and create a spirit of common security and coming together.
We want to advance this goal bilaterally with you through the United States-Greek relationship, and multilaterally through NATO, our EU partners, and our fellow OSCE members.
An important means to achieve these goals is the Stability Pact for Southeastern Europe, which was adopted by Secretary Albright and her fellow Ministers last June and launched by President Clinton, Prime Minister Simitis, and other heads of state at the Sarajevo Summit last July.
In Sarajevo, our leaders agreed to a straightforward arrangement. We and our European partners will work to stabilize and transform the countries of southeastern Europe and integrate them into the European and transatlantic mainstream. At the same time, these countries pledged to create the conditions necessary for achieving this transformation.
We have made a respectable start on this project. A regional anti-corruption initiative and a regional investment compact to promote private enterprise are both under way. We have created a business advisory council for the region. The donor community has been prioritizing a range of economic projects that can invigorate the region. We have agreed to seize or destroy illicit transfers of small arms and light weapons. We have agreed to align our arms exports to international standards and to track where such exports go. Common efforts are under way to promote a free and independent media and examine the teachings of history.
Also this fall, our partners in the European Union took some historic steps. We congratulate the European Union on its decision last month to invite Romania and Bulgaria to begin accession negotiations, the offer of candidate status for Turkey, and the announcement that as of 2003 it would be able to take in more new members. We also applaud the European Commission's intention to devote close to 12 billion Euros to the region over the next 6 years. Assistance from individual EU member states will also be critical.
It is appropriate that the European Union contribute the lion's share to this overall effort. But for the reasons I have already noted for you, we in the United States will also do our part.
We are implementing the commitments President Clinton made in Sarajevo. We have submitted legislation to Congress, called the Southeast Europe Trade Preferences Act, which would provide unilateral duty-free access to the U.S. market from southeastern Europe for a 5-year period. A $200-million investment credit line is available to companies in the region, and the U.S. Overseas Private Investment Corporation is forming a $150-million investment fund for the region.
About three-quarters of our disaster assistance funds for the region were spent locally in southeastern Europe on commodities and other required goods and services. We are linking the demand generated by the international community in Kosovo to more than 3,000 suppliers in the Southeastern European Business Network.
In short, we've used a few months well. But now we must act to put our commitments to work in ways that make a tangible, positive difference in the daily lives of ordinary people. New jobs must be created. People should be able to drink the water without fear of sickness and disease. Homes, offices and schools should have light and heat. Democratic institutions and the rule of law must be firmly established. As Foreign Minister Papandreou described in his January speech at the London School of Economics, a truly civil society needs to emerge, one that is inclusive, not exclusive. Efforts to fight crime, eliminate corruption, and encourage trade must show measurable progress.
A key will be this winter's funding conference for the whole region. This conference will secure donor financing for a "Quick Start" package of high-visibility, job-creating regional projects. It will advance new ideas that promote democracy, human rights, and regional security. By the time the snow melts, people should be working, thanks to our efforts through the Stability Pact.
The countries of the region, for their part, must tackle corruption at its roots; create good conditions for private enterprise; eliminate barriers to the flow of goods, people, and ideas; respect human rights; promote free and independent media; advance democracy and the rule of law; cooperate to create a sense of confidence and security within and between the young democracies of the region. Together, we must stand with them.
There are hopeful signs emerging for a better future. The people of Croatia have just held free and fair parliamentary and presidential elections and the nationalists lost. A democratic Serbia must be part of this better future. We and our European Union partners have intensified our cooperation with the Serbian opposition. Greece's democratic parties have reached out to the Serb democratic opposition, meeting with them, offering to hold seminars and workshops for them, and encouraging unity against the authoritarian Milosevic regime.
When President Clinton was here last November, he noted how essential Greece is to a successful transformation of southeastern Europe. Greece is the region's wealthiest country, with the strongest economy, one now on the threshold of joining the European Union's Economic and Monetary Union. Greece can serve as an economic locomotive for the region, demonstrating by example and by deed the rewards of privatization, competitive markets, private sector investment, and job creation. Greek companies can be a driving force in regional reconstruction and development.
We want to work closely with Greece. We have the same objectives and same vision for the region. President Clinton spoke of the challenge of bringing stability, prosperity, and democracy to the Balkans. These three goals must be addressed seamlessly and simultaneously because they are inextricably linked.
Last July, Defense Secretary Cohen spoke of Thessaloniki as "the port of hope." The city now hosts the EU's Kosovo reconstruction office. Recognizing Thessaloniki's role, we have recently expanded our commercial service there, adding a new office. Even beyond Thessaloniki, Greece can be a strong example for democratic, open-market development. Without Greece's active engagement, a stable, prosperous, and democratic community of nations in the Balkans will be hard to achieve. With Greece's leadership, we can expect our hopes to become reality. On February 21, we will hold the inaugural meeting of the Initiative for Technology Cooperation in the Balkans, a dream of Prime Minister Simitis, where U.S. and Greek companies can apply their knowledge to the region's needs. And, as the President indicated, the U.S.-Greece Business Council will undertake an investment mission to the region this spring.
The Greek Government has taken impressive steps to address the region's needs. Its commitment of $328 million for reconstruction is a clear sign that Greece is prepared to exercise leadership. Its conditional offer of another $200 million for reconstruction in a future, democratic Serbia, shows how much Serbia has to gain. Greece has played a strong, constructive role in the Southeastern European Cooperation Initiative, and in Royaumont, the European Union's Southeastern European program, where a Greek is in charge.
Greek resources, ideas, and energy are essential if we are to achieve durable success in the Balkans. Greece's positive role in the Southeast European Defense Ministerial is helping Balkan militaries advance toward Western standards and civilian authority. As the sole regional member of both NATO and the European Union, Greece has a unique position to lead constructive change.
I understand that Prime Minister Simitis is meeting today in Prespes with other leaders to address common problems in the area and refine their agenda in the region. This cooperation has our strongest support. We are encouraged that regional leaders are working together to identify and develop new avenues of cooperation.
I'd now like to talk a bit about the U.S.-Greece bilateral relationship. In our respective drives for independence, both of our nations took inspiration as well as moral, political, and material support from one another. Greece and the United States have fought side by side in the 20th century's great wars. More than that, it almost goes without saying that we are united by common values and shared objectives, as well as through millions of people with blood ties.
Under Ambassador Burns' able leadership, we have looked to revitalize our bilateral ties. We have had more high-level visitors between Greece and the United States than ever before, culminating in the important visit of the President. We are aiming together to double our trade. We are further strengthening our excellent security and military relationship, and we are increasingly close on issues that divided us 10 years ago. We have concluded a Comprehensive Technical Agreement that puts us on modern footing in our defense relationship. We have both signed and are moving to ratify the Mutual Legal Assistance Treaty that establishes a new framework for judicial and law enforcement cooperation. We are close to finalizing a text on police cooperation. And we have just about solved a nagging problem on intellectual property rights piracy. In short, we are making forward, steady progress. We are forging a healthy, mature, and modern partnership for the 21st century.
The fact that we have differences -- and some deeply felt -- is not a fatal flaw in a relationship characterized by such wide areas of agreement. The fact that we have begun facing those differences with increased understanding is a hallmark of both the importance of the relationship and the growing success of our recent efforts together.
We are heartened, too, that Greece and Turkey have made tremendous progress over the past year. The European Union Helsinki Summit last December added new, positive momentum to Cyprus and to Greece-Turkey relations; as too have the ongoing UN-sponsored efforts to bring the parties together on core issues. The impact of this progress extends far beyond the immediate region. A durable peace in the Aegean and in Cyprus, based on respect for international law and safeguarding democratic rights, will be a powerful force for regional stability and development.
Like too much of Europe, Greece's 20th century history has had far too much agony, conflict over borders and ethnicity, war, civil war, and military dictatorships. Only in the last 25 years has Greece had a period of stability and democracy where Greek genius could flourish. It is precisely these opportunities for stability, democracy, and economic vitality that we hope to extend to all Greece's neighbors. Greece can show the way forward in the Balkans. For Greece to fulfill its regional leadership potential and for the U.S. and Greece to build a new partnership, we must defend, nurture, and promote our relationship and our common goals. As we worked together more than 50 years ago to help to restore Western Europe, we must now work shoulder to shoulder to transform southeastern Europe. What we do together in these first months of a new century will be seminal in shaping the region's future. Thank you.
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