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domestic civic affairs; on the other hand extreme status pride ill statecraft and religion, decorum, language, etiquette, and so forth.
The challenge that remains is to surmount the polarity by devising an ethnology of Balinese culture as an integration of flexible social institutions and ideological themes. This is essential if we are to determine what practices of patriparallel cousin marriage are doing in a so-called caste system, or if we are to view Bali in the context of East Indonesia, rather than considering it a mere vestige of Majapahit Java, or if we are to situate it more adequately between Hocart's (1950) India and Fiji, or to understand flow a somewhat Polynesian social organization can be correlated with supposedly South Asian beliefs. The history of ethnology in Bali presents the problem of discerning some of that same style thought to grace its natives' being - that is, controls on the resplendant variation - for its rich list of institutions and customs that read like a roster of the celebrated 'strange but true' in anthropological catalogues.

This review has attempted to suggest the episodic drift in the history of general ideas of Bali. It has been highly selective and intentionally shaped; it has omitted much of importance in order to highlight aspects of marriage, rank, and the inbuilt vulnerability of authority to be treated later. We began in 1597 with false assumptions that, judging from death rituals and worship, Bah was India; we ended in 1975 with strong assertions that, judging from descent and the transmission of rights and duties, Bali contrasts sharply with tribal Africa. Decidedly, much of the progress in ethnological understanding is to delineate ever more precisely what a given culture






 

 


 

 




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in Bali we must point out a very important distinction which the Balinese make between two clearly separate groups of ancestors. The first of these groups consists of the dead who are riot yet completely purified. This group is in turn subdivided in pirata, those riot yet cremated, and pitara, those already cremated. The former are still completely impure; the latter have been purified, but are still considered as distinct, individual souls. The second group consists of the completely purified ancestors who are considered as divine.
No contact is sought with the pirata, the dead who have not yet been cremated. Oil the contrary they are dangerous, Offerings must however be made for the redemption of their souls.

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