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Such dynamic potential in the dadia-kawitan principles represents, again, the romance of Bali. This expansive phase of Balinese institutions is the cultural counterpoint both to rigidly endogamous specialized locales once supported by courts (for example, Tihingan) and to powerful court centers themselves whose rulers stage Brahmana-backed rites asserting their own intransigence, so to deny the importance Of their rivals and the significance of their inferiors. As we shall see, in groups excited about their own expansion and approximation of high-caste fort-as, group endogamous marriage, rather than a very simple, subdued, almost wholly intramural affair (H. and C. Gcertz 1975) occurs with public pomp and with rituals that stress the uniting of distinct collateral divisions. Moreover, a pattern which appears in semistable Tilaingan as an odd case of mixed-title fusion in a particular ancestorcroup denigrated by its purist rivals (C. Geertz 1967) has become in Tabanan,




 

 


 

 




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in Bali we must point out a very important distinction which the Balinese make between two clearly separate groups of ancestors. The first of these groups consists of the dead who are riot yet completely purified. This group is in turn subdivided in pirata, those riot yet cremated, and pitara, those already cremated. The former are still completely impure; the latter have been purified, but are still considered as distinct, individual souls. The second group consists of the completely purified ancestors who are considered as divine.
No contact is sought with the pirata, the dead who have not yet been cremated. Oil the contrary they are dangerous, Offerings must however be made for the redemption of their souls.

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