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would the girl go to tier own subhouse to await the ceremony, thereby casting
an illicit glow on the Jakarta episode The parents adopted the latter pose
as the lesser evil. Following all almost comically accelerated series of
prearrangement meetings, the more elaborate two-stage rite with a Brahmana
priest and expensive offerings was performed. The bride herself, fortunately
upstaged by the complexities of the ceremony, remained outwardly composed;
all knowledgeable parties had wondered if she would. Thus, this standard
Balinese wedding was barely marred by its anxious undercurrents. However,
in an unheard of gesture for a nearby, healthy relative, the gossip, the
initial sponsor of the love match with the Brahmana, refused to attend.
As this case illustrates, there is no single advantageous way for a group to deploy all its women; pros and cons characterize any type of union considered. Family marriage insures the maintenance of ancestral purity values. Prearranged out marriage fulfills the more properly alliance ambitions of a yard, and marriage by capture admits of individual wills and psychological needs. An ascendant group implements a range of marriages, hoping that even its endogamous unions and outside alliances will be love matches as well and will not have to be forced. And as we saw, various optional restrictions temper the effects of these positive standards and inject a note of status between groups or collaterals. But the restriction on first-cousin marriage - the optional preference for secondpatriparallel-cousin marriage - best represents the thrust of this system to maximize a combination of interests: ancestral purity (cultural), collateral alliance (sociostrategical), and personal will (psychological). In family marriage the cultural value on inmarriage is weighed against practical benefits, for the collateral lines and the individuals, of marrying a little less in (that is, marrying a second cousin or any generation peer rather than first cousins). in marriage by capture the cultural outrage over such extreme out marriage is subsequently reconsidered against the practical benefits, for the group, of cultivating relations after all. The Balinese marriage predicament revolves around the tension between the values on marrying-too-in and marrying-too-out, and this tension most clearly appears as preferences for secondpatricousin marriage. Thus, in typing Bali with a particular marriage, better secondpatriparallel cousin marriage than polygyny, or marriage by capture, or child marriage, or general patriparallel-cousin marriage. The latter earmark is inadequate because the most characteristic form of the preference - first-patriparallel-cousin is in some instances prohibited, and there is no belief that this is the single preferable union; alliance opportunities and individual choice are always to be considered. Second-patriparallel-cousin marriage symbolizes more features of the system. Yet, it is perhaps preferable to stress the aim of successful groups to marry both in and out in assorted ways. Even typing Balinese marriage under the refined rubric of second-patriparallel cousin implies a system built oil formal principles of genealogy; whereas cousin options are pragmatically applied and are perhaps niost preferred when an expanding group has subdivided. Moreover, 'family marriage' itself is sociologically ambiguous. Family marriage automatically means a first- or secondpatriparallel cousin union to a small unextended houseyard. To an incorporated
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we must point out a very important distinction which the Balinese make between
two clearly separate groups of ancestors. The first of these groups consists
of the dead who are riot yet completely purified. This group is in turn subdivided
in pirata, those riot yet cremated, and pitara, those already cremated. The
former are still completely impure; the latter have been purified, but are still
considered as distinct, individual souls. The second group consists of the completely
purified ancestors who are considered as divine. Everything Bali Indonesia |
