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ELECTION
FEBRUARY 2002 More post-election press releases from the Sam Rainsy Party - February 23, 2002 QUESTIONS FROM DEMONSTRATORS TO INTERNATIONAL OBSERVERS - February 23, 2002 BANNERS FOR THE FEBRUARY 23 PUBLIC DEMONSTRATION - February 22, 2002 SRP POSITION ON ELECTORAL DISPUTES - February 19, 2002 REPRISAL AGAINST POIPET RESIDENTS FOLLOWING SRP VICTORY AT THE FEBRUARY 3 COMMUNE ELECTION - February 15, 2002 ANALYSIS OF ELECTION RESULTS - February 12, 2002 QUESTIONS FROM DEMONSTRATORS TO INTERNATIONAL OBSERVERS - Phnom Penh, February 23, 2002 The participants to today’s public demonstration in Phnom Penh against the unfair manner the National Election Committee (NEC) rejected this week all the electoral complaints filed by the opposition Sam Rainsy Party (SRP), would like to ask international observers present in Cambodia for the February 3, 2002 commune election the following questions: 1- Can you believe – as one would normally assume in democratic countries – that the astonishing electoral result achieved by the ruling Cambodian People’s Party (CPP), which collected 61% of the popular votes versus 41% in 1998, is attributable to an improvement in the living conditions of the vast majority of the Cambodian people over the last four years?[Economic, social and human indicators just show the contrary: because of a systemic corruption there has been a dramatic increase in the number of landless farmers, the unemployment rate, the number of people living under poverty line, the level of misery in the countryside, the crime rate, the mortality rate. The people would normally vote out any authority responsible for such a disaster]. 2- Why does the
CPP, which – to the eyes of some political experts – command
such a strong popular support, need to resort to political intimidation
including assassinations? 3- What was the
effect on the minds of the people when, in the night of February 2 to
3, 2002, CPP agents all over the country – using the tight network
of communist cells that have been maintained since 1979 to keep control
of the population – systematically delivered small amounts of money
and also threats to hungry and frightened villagers at their homes and
strongly urged them to vote for the ruling party, in violation of the
election law that prohibits intimidation, vote buying and any campaigning
activity on the day preceding Election Day? 4- Do you think that the NEC – whose composition is obviously biased in favour of the CPP – should be allowed to act as election organizer, censor, referee, result proclaimer and, at the end of the process, establish itself as the sole tribunal to judge its own actions and performances? 5- Do you think that it was fair to allow the NEC – whose agenda is to defend the ruling CPP’s interest to arbitrarily reject without any hearing all the complaints filed by the opposition SRP without any possibility of appeal for the latter? 6- Do you think that one should observe a match of any sport between two competing teams and be satisfied with the result proclaimed when the rules of the game have been set in favour of the “winning” team on an uneven playing field? Protesters ****************** BANNERS FOR THE FEBRUARY 23 PUBLIC DEMONSTRATION 1- OVERHAUL THE NEC TO MAKE IT INDEPENDENT 2- NEC STEALS OUR VOTES AND GIVES THEM TO CPP 3- RECOUNT: CAMBODIA 1000 TIMES WORSE THAN FLORIDA 4- BALLOT RECOUNT REQUIRED FOR FAIR ELECTION 5- N.E.C. = CPP PUPPET 6- WHY IS NEC AFRAID TO RECOUNT? 7- NO RECOUNT = NO HONESTY 8- MOST "NULL AND VOID" BALLOTS ARE VALID BALLOTS FOR SRP 9- NEC = CHEATER 10- RECOUNT BALLOTS IN THE 7 CONTESTED COMMUNES ! 11- NEC MUST STOP TAKING ORDERS FROM CPP 12- ACCEPTABLE ELECTION REQUIRES INDEPENDENT NEC 13- WE REJECT NEC'S ELECTORAL FARCE 14- NEC = MASK FOR DICTATORSHIP 15- CHHENG PHON = CHIEF ELECTION THIEF The demonstration will start tomorrow at 8.00 a.m. in front of the National Assembly. SRP Members of Parliament ************* SRP POSITION ON ELECTORAL DISPUTES In a spirit of compromise and to concretely and effectively defend the people’s will, the Sam Rainsy Party (SRP) is willing to abandon the majority of the complaints it has filed with the National Electoral Committee (NEC) if the latter accepts to properly address at least the most sensitive cases. These cases essentially consist in a request for a recounting of null and void ballots in communes where the margin by which the Cambodia People’s Party (CPP) wins the position of commune chief is very slim and largely inferior to the number of null and void ballots. The last recountings of null and void ballots in 10 polling stations in Kompong Speu province and in Phnom Penh have shown that the great majority of these ballots were valid ballots in favor of SRP. In the 6 polling stations of Svay Chocheb commune in Kompong Speu province, recounting of null and void ballots on February 7 led to a reversal of the results, with the position of commune chief eventually won by SRP. Another recounting in 4 polling stations (out of 12) in Tuol Svay Prey I commune in Phnom Penh municipality on February 15 reduced the gap between SRP and CPP from 27 to 7 votes. Therefore SRP insists that ballots declared null and void be recounted in the following communes: 1 – Tuol Svay Prey I (NEC Code 12-006) for the 8 remaining polling stations: gap between SRP and CPP for the position of commune chief: 7 votes; number of ballots declared null and void: 56; number of valid ballots: 2,744. The gap of 7 is smaller than the threshold of 0.50% set in the electoral law to make recounting compulsory upon the request of any interested party. 2 – Tuol Tumpung I (NEC Code 12-009): gap between SRP and CPP for the position of commune chief: 18 votes; number of ballots declared null and void: 49; number of valid ballots: 3,997. 3 – Tuol Sangker (NEC Code 12-066): we ask for recounting of ballots declared null and void because of the hasty way ballots were examined. With 10 more votes, SRP would win one more seat at the commune council. 154 ballots were declared null and void. 4– Choam (NEC Code 03-089): gap between SRP and CPP for the position of commune chief: 7 votes; number of ballots declared null and void: 83; number of valid ballots: 1,233. 5 – Kandaol Chrum (NEC Code 03-111): number of ballots declared null and void: 610; number of valid ballots: 6,529. SRP asks for recounting of ballots declared null and void because of their abnormally high number. SRP needs 51 more votes to win the position of first deputy commune chief. 6 – In the case of O Russey IV commune (NEC Code 12-027), SRP asks for recounting of all ballots because on February 3, SRP agents requested that electoral officials slow down the pace at which they were counting ballots, to no avail. Yet, the gap between SRP and CPP for the position of commune chief is only of 32 votes compared to a number of ballots declared null and void of 78 and a number of valid ballots of 3,611. 7 – For the commune of Angkor Borei (NEC Code 21-001), SRP requests that revoting be organized at polling station 0005 because the electoral officials did not allow the replacement of our party agents, in violation to NEC instruction 12.1150/01 dated December 6, 2001. Voting and ballot-counting took place without SRP agents in this polling station, which entitles SRP to question the validity of the February 3 polls. SRP appeals to all Friends of Cambodia to encourage the NEC to solve these pending electoral disputes in a democratic spirit by implementing democratic practices as observed in advanced countries. We ask election observers to wait for the resolution of the above-mentioned disputes before issuing their final assessment of the February 3, 2002 commune election. Sam Rainsy Leader of the Opposition *********** REPRISAL AGAINST POIPET RESIDENTS FOLLOWING SRP VICTORY AT THE FEBRUARY 3 COMMUNE ELECTION Poipet (NEC code
01-035) in O Chreuv district, Banteay Meanchey province, is Cambodia's
largest commune with more than 100,000 inhabitants and 29,684 registered
voters (many other eligible voters were not able to register in due
course). Poipet is a major commercial city on the Thai border opposite
Aranyaprathet, Sakeo province. Cross-border trade and tourism are fast
developing, but also casinos (gambling), drug trafficking, money laundering,
prostitution, smuggling, money extortion, land grab and land speculation. Sam Rainsy ************** ANALYSIS OF ELECTION RESULTS From the most recent information from all reliable sources we have compiled the following results of the February 3 commune election. Comparisons can also be made with the results of the 1993 and 1998 national elections in order to underline significant trends. 1- The 2002 election was characterized by a poor voter turnout: only 70% versus 90 to 95% for the 1993 and 1998 elections. Over 1.8 million eligible voters -- out of a total of 6.2 million -- were left out of the election process. This makes the percentage of votes obtained by the ruling CPP (61%) not very significant. Had 90% of the 6.2 million eligible voters been able to cast their ballots, the CPP would have collected only 47% of the votes, leaving 53% to the democratic forces represented by SRP and FUNCINPEC. 2- The 2002 election was anything but free and fair. The ruling CPP used a three-step strategy to distort the will of the people. First, it used all its government power and all kinds of tricks to discard as many voters as possible from the election process, especially those suspected of sympathy for the democratic opposition. Election-related information was disseminated in a discriminative way and confusion was deliberately created to prevent many eligible voters from knowing where, when and how to vote. The opposition SRP was denied access to the crucial broadcast media, which remains a monopoly of the ruling CPP. As a second step of their strategy CPP agents collected registration cards from voters all over the country in order to identify their targets. The final step of the strategy was implemented in the night preceding election day, in the form of intimidation (stick) and money and promises (carrot) that were home delivered to the targeted registered voters in a systematic way all over the country on the basis of the communist cell system (any group of ten families in any village is overseen by a cell chief). Had the CPP been prevented from using their illegal methods, they would have collected much less votes. But they have also made many promises they will be unable to keep (such as feeding voters and their families for years), which will make many people angry against them. 3- CPP electoral gains (from 41% of the votes in 1998 to 61% in 2002) were achieved to the detriment of FUNCINPEC, which obtained only 22% of the votes compared to 32% in 1998, and to the detriment of numerous smaller political parties that have disappeared from the political scene. In 1993 FUNCINPEC collected 45% of the votes, meaning that this party has lost more than half of its supporters over the last nine years. Many observers predict that this party without any ideology (apart from being "royalist") and without any vision for Cambodia, while being terribly corrupt and totally subservient to the CPP in the present coalition government, will also disappear from the political scene, probably after the 2003 national election. 4- In a most difficult environment, with literally bare hands while confronting the two ruling parties, SRP managed to increase its percentage of the votes from 0 in 1995 (when it was founded under the name of Khmer Nation Party) to 14% in 1998 and 17% in 2002 thanks to the extremely high dedication of its supporters who have borne the brunt of political assassinations over the last twelve months. Fifteen of our candidates or activists were killed during that period. Many others lost their land or their jobs and face intimidation and harassment everyday because of their unwavering stance for democracy and social justice. Thanks to their sacrifices, Cambodia's political landscape changed dramatically on February 3, 2002. To the eyes of an overwhelming number of Cambodians and their foreign friends, SRP is on a winning trend and appears now to be the only credible alternative to the ineffective and anachronistic dictatorship represented by the former communist CPP. Since the proclamation of the results of the February 3 election a large number of disillusioned FUNCINPEC members have joined SRP and we expect this trend to gain momentum in the coming months. In 2003 SRP will definitely regroup all Cambodian democratic forces to make Cambodia a modern and progressive nation. Sam Rainsy Communique number 13 of the Union of Khmer Democrats (UKD) Commune elections in Cambodia : the predictable results (translated from the French version) Yesterday, February
3rd, after several hundreds of intimidation cases and about twenty political
murders committed by the HUN Sen - CPP regime, Cambodian commune elections
took place under the control of the National Elections Committee (NEC)
and the supervision of some hundreds of international observers.... Paris, February 4th, 2002, The President of the UKD, EA Kuon ANALYSIS-Hun Sen wins vote and credibility - Reuters, February 6, 2002 A statement from Sam Rainsy - February 7, 2002 WE WILL SUCCEED A Message to the Khmer People Post Commune Elections, 3 February, 2002 By Sam Rainsy, MP
I would like to express my deep gratitude to all venerable monks and my fellow compatriots for taking part and voting for the Sam Rainsy Party (SRP) in the local elections on 3 February, 2002. Under very trying circumstances in which Cambodia is currently overcoming tyranny and corruption, the SRP has received most satisfactory outcomes in these commune elections, leading the Party towards a final victory in national elections in 2003. I would like to convey my profound admiration to and congratulate all active members of the SRP who have displayed their tireless effort, courage, and sacrifice in their endeavour for the nation, democracy, and justice. We all would like also to pay our immense respect to the souls of our active members who have sacrificed their lives to uphold our ideals, making it possible for our hope to materialise in the very near future. In the past few years, many countries have, one after another, experienced the thrust of democracy that has defeated tyranny and corruption, especially in our Asian region. Our Cambodia can not escape this momentum; and democracy, represented by the SRP, will inevitably succeed. The SRP has emerged, after the local elections in 2002, as the only formidable challenger, the only decent alternative, and as the only hope, capable of legally and peacefully conquering tyranny and corruption that have trapped Khmer people in dire poverty and injustice for more than twenty years. To release Cambodia from oppression and impoverishment so that we all can enjoy genuine prosperity like other developed nations, we must get rid of the tyrannous, corrupt, and incompetent administration through democratic process in the forthcoming national elections in 2003. The favourable outcomes the SRP achieved in the commune elections 2002 signify a giant step forwards, and build up an effective foundation for a final victory in 2003. Now that our Party has secured many leadership positions in communes throughout the country, we are in a situation to initiate changes. Whether the position is a commune chief, or deputy chief, or executive member of the commune council, our Party has made significant inroads into grassroots power base, and ready to take on challenges to reform for a genuine democratic administration. All of the elected local councillors from the SRP will fulfill their duties in their fight against tyranny and all corrupt practices at the grassroots. They will be protecting the interest of the poor and the vulnerable, seeking justice for victims, safeguarding national and natural resources, and cultural heritage. Our councillors will strive for genuine development in their communes that produces benefits all can share. What the current communist party in power claims as their huge victory in the local elections is exaggerating. Their assertion that they captured more than 50% of the votes throughout the country, i.e. approximately two million votes out of four, is rather misleading. In reality, however, two million out of six million eligible voters did not participate in the elections. The authorities, in their kowtow to the communist party, failed to disseminate information and created many artificial obstacles to prevent many from registering as voters. They then precluded many registered voters from voting on the election day due to their suspicious voting intention. The communist party mobilized only their own people to register and to vote for them; they dished out a great deal of money they had gained from their corrupt practices to buy votes; they used their authorities to threaten and force others into voting for them. If we account for those who support democracy but could not vote, the communist party will at best have had only one third of the total eligible votes. Our basic strategy to win the impending national elections in 2003 is to provide information, encouragement, and to persuade all eligible to cast their votes to remove the corrupt administration and overthrow the communist regime. It is most unlikely that the communist party will be able to mobilise more than the two million votes for the national elections. Many who voted for the communist party in the local elections did so out of fear and/or because they had been misguided. They can be next time persuaded to vote in accordance with their conscience and their own free will. Thus, the votes for the communist party in the next national elections will at most be only one third of the six million votes. The other two thirds consist of democratic forces led by the SRP; there will be then sufficient voices to put an end forever to the communist rule that has devastated the nation since 1975. We will eventually ensure and see that democracy will win over tyranny. The strength of our heart and mind will defeat the power of money; and the people will realise that petty and sporadic gifts can let them live merely for a day, while democracy is for life. Phnom Penh, 6 February, 2002Sam Rainsy, MP Leader of the SRP EU fails to declare Cambodian election free and fair - February 6, 2002 We got this from an email from Funcinpec. It seems to be a paraphrase of something from Australian Broadcasting Corporation radio: The European Union observation mission in Cambodia has refused to describe last week's historic local government poll as free and fair. The EU's refusal has been added to a chorus of condemnation by other election observers. In 1998, the European Union was subjected to howls of criticism when it described a notoriously violent general election in Cambodia as free and fair. It has not made the same blunder again. Four other independent monitor groups have also refused to describe the elections as free and fair. Twenty-three people were either killed or died in suspicious circumstances in the lead up to Sunday's poll... Observers decry unequal media access in Cambodia elections - Kyodo News Service, February 5, 2002, by Puy Kea Cambodian and international observers voiced strong concerns Tuesday over unequal access to the state-run media among political parties in Cambodia's local elections and unfair coverage that favored Prime Minister Hun Sen's ruling Cambodian People's Party (CPP). The European Union's Election Observation Mission released a statement saying state-run television and radio ''failed to meet their obligation to provide voters with adequate information on the election or fair and balanced coverage of the campaign.'' The statement said that state-run television devoted over 75% of its coverage to the government and a further 12% to the CPP, while the royalist FUNCINPEC party of Prince Norodom Ranariddh received only 2% of coverage and the Sam Rainsy Party (SRP) of opposition leader Sam Rainsy less than 1%. As for national radio, it gave 80% of coverage to the government, 13% to the CPP and 7% to the president of the National Assembly. The EU observers, meanwhile, said the problem of unequal access to the media is a source of great concern in the lead-up to next year's general election. COMFREL, Cambodia's biggest election monitoring organization, also issued a statement sharing the same concerns over the media coverage, the organization having assigned 20 people to monitor six TV stations and seven radio stations in the four weeks before election day. ''The newscasts were dominated by the activities of the government and CPP members, including commune chiefs giving gifts to the population. FUNCINPEC and the Sam Rainsy Party were very briefly covered,'' the statement said. The elections posed the first direct challenge to Hun Sen's grip on local governments, as political power at the local level has been exclusively in the hands of the CPP since the fall of the Khmer Rouge government in January 1979. The unofficial and initial results indicate the CPP has won 1,600 out of 1,621 ''communes'' or clusters of villages nationwide, while the SRP won 11 communes and FUNCINPEC won 10, according to the CPP-collected data. The National Election Committee plans to announce its preliminary unofficial results on Wednesday, while the official results are not expected until between Feb. 19 and 22. The elections were held peacefully Sunday despite concerns over human rights violations, intimidation and threats raised by observers prior to voting day. More than 4 million out of some 5 million Cambodians in the country of 12 million who registered for the election cast their ballots Sunday. Dismal poll raises doubts about Cambodian dynasty - Reuters, February 5, 2002, by David Brunnstrom The dismal showing of Cambodia's royalist party in historic local polls has plunged it deep into crisis, raising questions about the future of the reigning dynasty and even the monarchy itself. Preliminary results from Sunday's voting show Prince Norodom Ranariddh's Funcinpec party secured just seven of the 1,621 village communes in the first local polls since his father King Norodom Sihanouk won independence from France in 1953. Ranariddh and opposition leader Sam Rainsy have complained of widespread abuses by Prime Minister Hun Sen's victorious Cambodian People's Party, including killings of candidates and vote buying, but independent monitors, while noting the abuses, called the outcome an acceptable reflection of popular will. Analysts say Funcinpec has only itself, and Ranariddh's perceived weak leadership, to blame for a showing that could have far-reaching implications not just for the party, but for the institution of monarchy. While the ageing King Sihanouk, who was first crowned in 1941 then restored to the throne after years of war and revolution in 1993, remains widely popular, the reverence he enjoys does not extend to Ranariddh or other members of a royalist party perceived to be unreliable and aloof. Critics say the party Sihanouk founded has discredited itself in recent years by failing to deliver on promises to improve living conditions of ordinary people and has a reputation for being corrupt and feudalistic in its outlook. After losing to Hun Sen in the last general election in 1998 Funcinpec alienated supporters who had risked their lives protesting on the streets against polling abuses by quickly entering into an alliance with their arch enemy. Kao Kim Hourn, director of Cambodian Institute for Cooperation and Peace, said the poll should be a "major wakeup call" for a party out of touch with its electorate. Funcinpec member and Co-Minister of Defence Prince Sisowath Siririth conceded the alliance with Hun Sen could have cost it support. "We expected at least 38 to 40 percent of the vote. But it looks as though we were outnumbered in every province," he told Reuters. SOUL-SEARCHING NEEDED Lao Mong Hay, director of the Khmer Institute for Democracy and one of the country's most respect political analysts, said Funcinpec faced a period of intense soul-searching that would have to include a reevaluation of Ranariddh's role. "I am not sure whether Funcinpec could survive long with him at its helm," he said. "Perhaps they might have to try out non-royal leaders." Should Funcinpec fail to address its image problem, there could be dire consequences. "The future of our monarchy is not very bright after this commune election and the poor performance of Funcinpec," Lao Mong Hay said. "I don't know whether it can survive our king." King Sihanouk is now approaching the age of 80 and has been troubled by various illness, including colon cancer, diabetes and high blood pressure. He suffered a minor stroke in 2000. His successor will be elected by nine-member throne council which has five CPP members. Ranariddh, although he has said he does not want to be king, has long been seen as his father's most likely successor. Other members of the Norodom family considered possibilities are Funcinpec Secretary-General Prince Norodom Sirivudh and Prince Norodom Sihamoni, who has been a ballet teacher in France. Lao Mong Hay said the key was in the hands of Hun Sen, who surprised poll observers by saying he had not voted in order to remain neutral -- a stance more normally associated with a constitutional monarch than a party politician. Lao Mong Hay said it was not impossible the Crown Council would bypass the Norodom family and pick a commoner. He compared Cambodia under Hun Sen with Japan under the Shoguns, who monopolised power but needed a figurehead emperor for legitimacy. The danger would come if the monarchy outlived its usefulness at the same time as a waning of public support. Lao Mong Hay said that among Cambodia's factional leaders it was only those of Funcinpec who had wanted the monarchy restored during Cambodia's U.N.-sponsored peace process in the early 1990s, while others were forced by circumstances to back this. Since his restoration, Sihanouk -- who had been ousted by a coup in 1970 -- has been largely cut off from his subjects, spending his time at his palace in Phnom Penh and Siem Reap or receiving medical treatment overseas. Lao Mong Hay said that although Sihanouk himself remained popular, there was a danger his low profile would lead to a decline in support for the institution of monarchy. "The younger generation is not so knowledgeable about the royal family and our monarchy," he said. "You cannot just confine (the king) in royal residences and claim that people still hold royalist sentiment. "If royalist elements are not united and don't work to uphold the monarchy, I think the trend towards a republic is there and without a monarchy, based on our own experience, we would be in trouble again." A Western diplomat said he still believed the monarchy to be a strong institution. "I tend to think it's more a lack of confidence in Ranariddh as party leader than any lack of confidence in the monarchy," he said. Monitors give Cambodia elections mixed reviews - Reuters, February 5, 2002 Cambodia on parade - Guardian, February 5, 2002 As rallies recall the murderous political past, Andrew seeks relief with taxi-boys, hammock-bars - and AK47s Cambodia ruling party maintains power grip - Financial Times, February 4, 2002 Cambodia looks ahead - BBC, February 4, 2002 Includes some odd info about the opposition campaigns: The royalist Funcinpec party provided little in the way of policies, and ran a haphazard campaign. Its one asset is its association with King Sihanouk, who is still revered by millions of Cambodians. But it may have thrown that advantage away by the refusal of the party leader Prince Ranariddh to take part in party rallies. The other main opposition group, the Sam Rainsy Party, (SRP) ran a more energetic campaign, with much of the energy coming from its tireless leader, Sam Rainsy himself, who is the closest thing Cambodia has to a modern politician. In his trademark white shirt and owlish spectacles, Mr Rainsy travelled the length and breadth of the country, preaching a populist platform of anti-corruption and thinly-disguised attacks on the Vietnamese, whose links with the ruling party make it vulnerable to nationalist criticism. A wealthy, French-educated idealist, Sam Rainsy believes passionately in democracy, human rights, and the power of vitamins to heal people and win votes. To that end his party has distributed more than half-a-million small packets of vitamin pills, a practice that could be construed by some as vote-buying. Ruling Party Sweeps Cambodia Elections - Orlando Sentinel, February 4, 2002 Election monitor group says Cambodian polls not fair - ABC, February 4, 2002 Cambodian PM set for strong win at local polls - Alertnet, February 4, 2002 Early counting in Cambodian poll shows CPP in lead - ABC, February 4, 2002 Early counting in Cambodia's first local government elections in 30 years is showing a big win for the ruling party. First results in key Cambodia poll - BBC, February 4, 2002 Polling has ended in Cambodia for local elections that are expected to lead to a significant loss of influence for the ruling Cambodian People's Party (CPP). Goodnight - 23:45 (Bangkok time - GMT+7), February 3, 2002 We're going to bed now. No one seems to have any comprehensive results yet. The closest we've found so far are the results posted by the Sam Rainsy Party. Cambodians turn out to vote - CNN, February 3, 2002 Cambodia's 1st direct local elections start peacefully - Kyodo News, February 3, 2002 Dispatches from the SRP - February 3, 2002 These are raw dispatches from the Sam Rainsy Party--we can't vouch for their truthfulness, but it is generally accepted that the party has been harassed in the runup to the election. It's nice that the internet can allow readers to read things like this and decide for themselves instead of having it all filtered through reporters in high-rises in New York or Washington. 10.45 AM - URGENT STATEMENT # 2 FROM THE SAM RAINSY PARTY IN A LARGE NUMBER OF POLLING STATIONS THROUGHOUT THE COUNTRY CPP OFFICIALS AND AGENTS ARE INTIMIDATING VOTERS AND DISTURBING VOTING AND (LIKELY THIS AFTERNOON) COUNTING OPERATIONS WITH ABUSIVE USE OF THEIR PERSONAL RADIO EQUIPMENT (HICOMs). THEY SHOUT THEIR INTERNAL ORDERS AND INSTRUCTIONS TO SHOW THAT THEY HAVE ARMED FORCES AT THEIR DISPOSAL. 11.00 AM - URGENT STATEMENT # 3 FROM THE SAM RAINSY PARTY INCIDENTS IN SIEMREAP DISTRICT, SIEMREAP PROVINCE: 1 - IN KORK CHORK COMMUNE (NEC CODE 17067- POLLING STATION CODE 0051), THE CEC STAMPED 28 BALLOTS WITH THE WRONG RUBBER STAMP, THUS INVALIDATING THOSE BALLOTS. 2 - IN SLOR KRAM COMMUNE (NEC CODE 17065 - POLLING STATION CODE 0411), THE INK USED TO DIP VOTERS' FINGERS IS WASHABLE WITH WATER. 3 - IN SALA KAMREUK COMMUNE (NEC CODE 17068 - POLLING STATION CODE 0464), BALLOTS GIVEN TO VOTERS ARE ALREADY MARKED FOR THE CPP. Websites of the parties - February 3, 2002 CPP - Cambodian Peoples' Party - the ruling party - the website is a year or so out-of-date Funcinpec - the Royalist Party and main opposition to the CPP Sam Rainsy Party - lots and lots and lots of up-to-date info and links Cambodian National Sustaining Party - a minor party CambodiaElection.com main page - Today's Commune Election - Sam Rainsy Party site for election results. ....each one of the 1,621 communes will be posted today from 3.00 pm and will be continuously updated over the next 48 hours. The last column entitled "Results Feb.3, 2002" indicates for each commune which political party obtains the highest number of votes: 1 for SRP, 2 for CPP and 3 for Funcinpec. Something good about the CPP? - February 3, 2002 Gordon Sharpless' monthly column on Cambodia has some some great insights (as usual) into Cambodia: So then, what is the CPP? Is it a corrupt government that disregards human rights while serving its own self interests? Or is it a stable force in a once unstable country headed by a savvy leader who fought and clawed his way to the top, acting in the best interests of his country and his people. The answer? It all depends on where you're coming from... And Funcinpec? Couldn't organize an orgy in a brothel. And Sam Rainsy? A mouth. And just how politically aware are the Cambodians? A recent Cambodia Daily piece on the elections reported that a candidate for a commune chief position in Ratanakiri province could not remember who he voted for in the 1998 national election except to say it was the party that gave him the most money. Read the whole newsletter here. Watch for irregularities! - February 2, 2002 From a statement released by the Sam Rainsy Party we received by email: SOURCES OF POTENTIAL ELECTORAL IRREGULARITIES The Sam Rainsy Party appeals to domestic and international observers to watch out several sources of potential electoral irregularities on February 3, 2002. Observers should verify that 1 – Election officials ensure that voters’ fingers are clean, without grease, oil or wax, before being dipped into the special ink. 2 – Ballots handed out to voters entering the polling station must be absolutely clean, without marks, stains or tears. Therefore, election officials must have clean hands, handle and rubber-stamp the ballots with care. 3 – During the counting process, when re-examining unclearly ticked ballots, election officials must absolutely avoid -- voluntarily or involuntarily -- putting additional marks or stains that would make the ballots null and void. 4 – During the counting process, local authorities and/or election officials must be deterred from creating incidents (such as electricity cuts, shooting, fighting, shouting, quarrelling, …) that would be used as pretexts to suspend the counting operation as was often the case in 1998. Any delay in ballot counting would jeopardize the integrity of the counting process. Any incident leading to destruction of ballots or opening the door to ballot-tampering will require the organization of a new election for the corresponding polling station. 5 – Election officials in each polling station must report the total number of ballots supplied to the polling station, the number of used ballots, spoiled ballots, and unused ballots with their corresponding serial numbers. All ballots, including the spoiled and unused ones, must be eventually returned to the NEC headquarters for reconciliation at the national level. Eng Chhay Eang SecretaryGeneral On February 3, SRP officials in charge of foreign observers and journalists can be contacted at the following phone numbers:012 904 555 (Sam Rainsy) 012 959 800 (Ou Bun Long) 012 964 555 (Tioulong Saumura) 011 86 86 86 (Yim Sovann) 016 957 733 (Phi Thach) Japan's involvement in Cambodia - Japan Times Online, January 16, 2002 Cambodian royals back to confront an old foe - smh.com.au, February 2, 2002 A stifled experiment in democracy - a debate between candidates goes largely unseen - feer, February 7, 2002 Better than no polls at all - feer, February 7, 2002 Cambodia's sad tide of election violence - January 28, 2002 Since we're Angkor.com, we're receiving every depressing report of the assassinations that are occuring in the runup to Sunday's election. Here's a good article from the Financial Times that gives an overall impression of what's going on. Since January 2001, 17 commune council candidates or party activists - all but two from the opposition Sam Rainsy party and royalist Funcinpec party - have been been killed in what the United Nations called "suspect" circumstances... ... the UN's Human Rights Office in Cambodia also expressed concern about other widespread abuses, such as the destruction of party signboards and the collection of citizen's voter registration cards by local officials for "examinations". Voters have also been forced to attend ceremonies to swear allegiance to the ruling party. Campaigning kicks off in Cambodian elections - Reuters, January 18, 2002 |
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