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Story of Bali, Indonesia

Continued...

authority when the court inevitably crumbles. Again, epic projects an aristocracy's conception of its own achievements; romance allows commoner champions, local social and religious organizations, and other elements beyond the control of the ruling elite to be celebrated as contributing forces to society. Though romance is not a revolutionary inverse vantage from the bottom up, it at least allows for institutional flexibility so as to reconstitute values and patterns prone to repeated upheaval. The systematic basis of what one can, by stretching the point, call Bali's romance phase can only he appreciated by observing how Hindu caste and religious ideals penetrate ordinary localities, how hierarchical concerns can characterize an acephalous political structure as easily as one with its crown intact, and how, upon the introduction of new institutional frameworks such as political parties and commercial enterprises, the alternative conceptions of power, legitimacy, and society can be revived.

In the century following Van den Broek, ethnographers amassed much information on commoners, on Sudra groups, and so forth. But the holistic ethnological overview of Bali continued to stress the epic courtly qualities of Bali-Hindu traditions throughout the colonial period. The Bali of Indonesian independence, especially since Sukarno's own elitist policies - favoring the traditional bureaucratic elite or pamong praja - began to falter in the early 1960s, has experienced extreme challenges to courtly traditions of rigid social divisions and authority by birthright. In this latter context, it is the social romance, also traditional, that has flourished.

Northern sketches

het 'land van den Orang-utan en den Paradis-vogel, gelik Wallace het noemt, voor vetteweg het weinigmeer dan terra incognita is (van Eck 1879).

Northern Bali was forced to recognize Dutch suzerainty in 1849; in 1882 a direct Netherlands East Indies government was established. These two events opened the island's language, literature, religious customs, and agriculture to regular research by Westerners. In 1849 the German Sanskritist R. Friederich published his seminal field studies on Balinese legal writings, Brahmana Siwa worship, castes, and calendars. Together with H.N. van der Tuuk's Kawi-Balinese-Dutch dictionary (1897-1912), this investigation remains the foundation for subsequent philological work.
Indeed, 'with Friederich the scholarly study of Balinese culture by Westerners had begun' (Swellengrebel 1960).
Besides perfecting tools for translating the rich textual materials of profoundly literate Hindu-Bali, field researchers turned as well to those other nineteenth-century romantic concerns: local color and the lot of the common man. The Dutch civil servant P.L. van Bloemen Waanders and an early Protestant missionary, R. van Eck, tirelessly recorded notes and sketches of diverse customs. Their work reflected



Manpower
Ritual responses
Individuals
Structuralist
Systematically
Sudra Groups
Conceptual
Royal Blood
Cultural argument
Essential Dramatic
Bali providing
Brahmana Traditions
God Guru
Generalizations
Raffles
Chandala
Guided
Van Den Broek
Polygamy
Confessional
The Revenues
Champions
Romance
Authority
European
Temporal Perspectives
Administrator
Sociological
Calculations
Ownership
 

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in Bali we must point out a very important distinction which the Balinese make between two clearly separate groups of ancestors. The first of these groups consists of the dead who are riot yet completely purified. This group is in turn subdivided in pirata, those riot yet cremated, and pitara, those already cremated. The former are still completely impure; the latter have been purified, but are still considered as distinct, individual souls. The second group consists of the completely purified ancestors who are considered as divine.
No contact is sought with the pirata, the dead who have not yet been cremated. Oil the contrary they are dangerous, Offerings must however be made for the redemption of their souls.

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