By Alexandr Mitrofanov

President Vladimir Putin's Czech Republic visit was accompanied by controversial stances over the Czech-Russian relationship expressed by three key figures of post-revolution Czech politics.

Former Prime Minister Miloš Zeman evaluated Russia as a potential European Union ally in a future war against Islamic radicals.

Former President Václav Havel, as a leader of a group of international personalities, sent a letter to Putin in which he wrote that the Russian presidency is on a the way to becoming an autocracy.

The current president, Václav Klaus, was the only one from the three who actually met Putin in Prague and negotiated with him — in Russian, by the way. Klaus' credo was similar to a Putin's: He underlined that the relationships between the two countries must be founded on pure pragmatism.

Each of the stances of the ex- and current Czech politicians has its roots in the past.

Zeman's endearment is close to the pan-Slavic emotions that were entrenched here for decades until their abrupt ending with the invasion of then Czechoslovakia by Warsaw Pact troops in 1968.

Havel's suspicion stems from pessimism on the part of the Czech society about a Russia with a long history and was also based upon the occupation in 1968.

The position of Klaus stands out under the circumstances. After Putin's visit, Klaus was criticized by the press for his choice of Russian as a working language during negotiations at Prague Castle.

Klaus is known for his tendency to provoke people who hold the majority opinion. For instance, he was against the majority in a national discussion of the European constitution and recently he rejected a law approved by Parliament that softened legal conditions for homosexual couples.

However, Klaus' pragmatism toward Russia is explainable. First of all, this time he did not fight either with Parliament or the government. The entire top-level political management of the Czech Republic appeared unanimous during negotiations with Putin. Unlike Havel would have undoubtedly done, no one bothered our visitor with sharp questions on Chechnya. On the contrary, Klaus listened to Putin's version of Chechnya story with understanding.

One clue to the style of the Czech politicians could be the dependence on oil and gas supplies from Russia. People who currently bear a real responsibility for the future of the power sources cannot dare a human rights activist teasing a Russian bear as Havel did.

On the other hand, they will not be allowed by their voters to be too close to Zeman's friendly acceptance of Russia as an ally. Resentment over 1968 is still too strong for that.

But voters would not be angered if our leading politicians follow the premise that it is not worthwhile to take too much interest in the state of human rights in Russia. The inhabitants of the biggest Slavic country are not popular among Czechs. Yet a handful of Havel-like activists cannot affect the general public. And, frankly, almost no one knows the details of the Russian-Chechen conflict.

The former solidarity of the Czechs with small nations oppressed by the Russians, as this one also used to be, is fading. Instead, young people are mainly neutral toward the Russians, and people of a different age meanwhile improve their knowledge of Russian in the world-renowned spa town Karlovy Vary because Russians have bought a lot of real estate there and are the most frequent guests and generous spenders.

Klaus, nevertheless, could have remained hard-nosed and cool with Putin because the Czech Republic is a member of NATO and the EU. Instead, he struck a friendly tone.

To be pragmatic also means being aware of the real value of a formal advantage. A mere membership in any mighty alliance does not supply a country with oil and gas to the extent it is used to. Another pragmatic point seems to be that pipelines do not lead from Brussels but from Russia.

Klaus is a politician with a strong commitment to his country. He proved it during debates on EU membership and the European constitution.

The Czech president is not an internationalist by any means. He would definitely not "imagine all the people sharing all the world," as John Lennon and Václav Havel would. As president, Klaus feels responsible to serve to his people. No doubt the rest of the Czech decision makers are on the same side in this case.

Speaking Russian to Putin is seemingly a small detail in the game. But Klaus surely knows how sensitive the Russians are to something like a person managing to speak their language who, even when facing the shaky reputation of their country, does not hesitate to be a Russian speaker in public.

This bonus could be helpful in the future.