BY using ex-soldiers, henchmen and criminals to
destabilize the government of Jean-Bertrand Aristide,
Caleb McCarry was the architect of the current human
rights situation in Haiti, qualified as catastrophic
by the UN. The former Republican Party official, who
is linked to the U.S. intelligence organizations, is
the man selected by George W. Bush to make concrete
the latest annexation plan for Cuba promoted by his
administration and the Miami mafia.
"There are serious and reiterated violations.
Summary executions, torture and arbitrary arrests
are being committed by the police or with their
consent," said Thierry Fagart, a lawyer with the
human rights section in Port-au-Prince.
Caleb McCarry, the proconsul designated by the
Bush administration to provoke the annexation of
Cuba, belongs to a mafia of US politicians and
officials who provoked the kidnapping and outrageous
eviction of President Jean-Bertrand Aristide from
Haiti behind the back of the Sate Department and
with the blessing of the Bush clan.
McCarry and his buddies developed their
conspiracy with a political activist linked to the
Duvaliers and a band of mercenaries and criminals,
in a dirty operation handled by the most fanatical
far-right sectors of the Republican Party.
In an article entitled "The other regime change"
published in July 2004 by the salon.com website, U.S.
journalist Max Blumenthal reveals how the
International Republican Institute (IRI) a non-profit
making organization heavily subsidized by USAID and
represented on the desolated island by Stanley
Lucas, directed the anti-Aristide operation. In that
dirty task it received instructions and
unconditional support from a nucleus of ultra-right
members of the Republican Party, closely linked to
Bush, in which Caleb McCarry appeared to have played
a key role.
The Lucas family is famous in Haiti for a
massacre of campesinos organized by Stanley?s
cousins Leonard and Rémy in 1987. In that year a mob
of criminals wielding machetes killed 250 small
farmers who were claiming a redistribution of the
land on their estate. At that very moment, Lucas was
training troops for counter-insurgency operations.
According to Blumenthal, Lucas, an ex-judo
champion with a playboy image, comes from a wealthy
family identified with the Duvalier family, whose
murderous regime dominated Haiti for years, is the
Haitian version of the Iraqi collaborator Ahmed
While Colin Powell was trying to maintain with
Haiti the moderate political line decided during the
Clinton administration, Caleb McCarry, an anti-Aristide
official on the House Foreign Relations Committee,
and a delegation of Republicans met up in the
Dominican Republic with Convergence, the anti-Aristide
alliance whose line then diverged from that of the
According to a former State Department official,
McCarry and Lucas were handpicked to link US funding
with the opposition that they were manufacturing.
Lucas dedicated himself to personally training
Aristide’s opponents via courses that he titled
Democracy 10, Blumenthal relates.
Among those invited to those training sessions
were various members of CREDDO, the political group
of General Prosper Avril, who headed Haiti from
1988-1990, by declaring a state of siege and
torturing his opponents.
In February 2004, when the mercenary Guy Philippe
"an ex-chief of police and childhood friend of
Lucas" captured Cape Haitien with 200 "insurgents,"
including killers, criminals and ex-henchmen from
former regimes, and was threatening Port-au-Prince
while the national police were fleeing, US embassy
officials faced Aristide with the alternative of
remaining in the capital without protection and
facing the bandit hordes of Lucas’ friends, or to
board a plane provided by Washington that would take
him to Africa.
Among those "combatants for freedom," as Roger
Noriega would call them, were Louis Joyel Chamblain,
a paramilitary leader with a sinister reputation;
and Emmanuel "Toto" Constant, who subsequently
confessed his connections with the CIA.
DEMOCRACY, THE McCARRY VERSION
A recent compilation of articles from the
official US press by Canadian researcher Aaron Mate
and published on the Znet.org website, points to a
long series of violent incidents in recent months
that clearly demonstrate various characteristics of
the democracy installed in Haiti thanks to Caleb
McCarry and his accomplices.
On March 1, 2005, the Miami Herald reported how
the previous day, Haitian police had opened fire on
a march of 2,000 peaceful demonstrators in Port-au-Prince,
killing two and injuring many. The protest was in
commemoration of the coup against Aristide the year
The following March 24, AP described how the
police had once again fired on demonstrators in the
capital, killing one person. The cable noted that
Associated Press reporters had seen offices firing
into the air and at demonstrators.
On April 27, the police opened fire for the third
time on demonstrators demanding the release of
Aristide followers, killing five of them, AP
On June 5, Reuters announced that up to 25 people
were killed in police raids on the Friday and
Saturday in marginal districts of the capital of
Haiti, according to employees from a mortuary and
witnesses. One of the witnesses, Ronald Macillon,
said that the police killed many people and set fire
to their homes.
Another Reuters cable, datelined July 15,
reported how opposition groups and residents in
marginal neighborhoods were saying that dozens of
innocent people had been executed during raids by UN
troops and Haitian police. Renan Hedouville, head of
the Lawyers Committee for Individual Rights (CARLI),
a highly respected group, noted that the victims
included children and elderly people from the Bel-Air
and Cité-Soleil districts.
On September 1, the Herald reported
another massacre by police with assault rifles and
black masks in Martissant on August 20, in the
middle of a football match.
That attack left at least six dead and prompted
concern among UN officials trying to stabilize this
lawless city, where the police, working with gangs
led by some unknown politician, carried out a
cleansing operation prior to the November elections.
On August 30, the Washington Times noted
that witnesses of the massacre said that they
recognized some civilians armed with machetes as ?attachés;?
in other words local criminals reported to be
informants and killers hired by the police.
ASSOCIATE OF MEL MARTINEZ AND DIAZ-BALART
Aristide was kidnapped on February 28, 2004 by
special U.S. forces and expelled from his own
country. Blumenthal relates in his article how
Condoleezza Rice woke Bush up in the middle of the
night to tell him the news of the U.S. ?triumph? in
the poorest country of the hemisphere.
On July 29, 2005, Condoleezza Rice, meanwhile
appointed secretary of state, announced the
designation of McCarry at the head of the Commission
for Assistance to a Free Cuba; in other words, to
intervene IN Cuba like on so many other occasions in
McCarry’s appointment ceremony took place in the
Treaties Hall of the Harry S. Truman building in the
State Department, in the presence of two eminent
members of the Miami mafia: Senator Mel Martínez,
mentor of the Cuban Liberty Council, whose members
are distinguished for their links with international
terrorist Luis Posada Carriles; and Lincoln Díaz-Balart,
the rabid congressman who boasts of his privileged
relations with the most fanatical circles in South