Political Prisoners of the Empire  MIAMI 5      

     

I N T E R N A T I O N A L

Havana. October 28, 2005

CALEB MCCARRY
Bush’s man for Cuba author of the Haitian disaster

BY JEAN-GUY ALLARD—Special for Granma International

BY using ex-soldiers, henchmen and criminals to destabilize the government of Jean-Bertrand Aristide, Caleb McCarry was the architect of the current human rights situation in Haiti, qualified as catastrophic by the UN. The former Republican Party official, who is linked to the U.S. intelligence organizations, is the man selected by George W. Bush to make concrete the latest annexation plan for Cuba promoted by his administration and the Miami mafia.


McCarry, the proconsul designated by the Bush administration for a Cuba annexed to Washington.

"There are serious and reiterated violations. Summary executions, torture and arbitrary arrests are being committed by the police or with their consent," said Thierry Fagart, a lawyer with the human rights section in Port-au-Prince.

Caleb McCarry, the proconsul designated by the Bush administration to provoke the annexation of Cuba, belongs to a mafia of US politicians and officials who provoked the kidnapping and outrageous eviction of President Jean-Bertrand Aristide from Haiti behind the back of the Sate Department and with the blessing of the Bush clan.

McCarry and his buddies developed their conspiracy with a political activist linked to the Duvaliers and a band of mercenaries and criminals, in a dirty operation handled by the most fanatical far-right sectors of the Republican Party.

In an article entitled "The other regime change" published in July 2004 by the salon.com website, U.S. journalist Max Blumenthal reveals how the International Republican Institute (IRI) a non-profit making organization heavily subsidized by USAID and represented on the desolated island by Stanley Lucas, directed the anti-Aristide operation. In that dirty task it received instructions and unconditional support from a nucleus of ultra-right members of the Republican Party, closely linked to Bush, in which Caleb McCarry appeared to have played a key role.

The Lucas family is famous in Haiti for a massacre of campesinos organized by Stanley?s cousins Leonard and Rémy in 1987. In that year a mob of criminals wielding machetes killed 250 small farmers who were claiming a redistribution of the land on their estate. At that very moment, Lucas was training troops for counter-insurgency operations.

According to Blumenthal, Lucas, an ex-judo champion with a playboy image, comes from a wealthy family identified with the Duvalier family, whose murderous regime dominated Haiti for years, is the Haitian version of the Iraqi collaborator Ahmed Chalabi.

While Colin Powell was trying to maintain with Haiti the moderate political line decided during the Clinton administration, Caleb McCarry, an anti-Aristide official on the House Foreign Relations Committee, and a delegation of Republicans met up in the Dominican Republic with Convergence, the anti-Aristide alliance whose line then diverged from that of the State Department.

According to a former State Department official, McCarry and Lucas were handpicked to link US funding with the opposition that they were manufacturing.

Lucas dedicated himself to personally training Aristide’s opponents via courses that he titled Democracy 10, Blumenthal relates.

Among those invited to those training sessions were various members of CREDDO, the political group of General Prosper Avril, who headed Haiti from 1988-1990, by declaring a state of siege and torturing his opponents.

In February 2004, when the mercenary Guy Philippe "an ex-chief of police and childhood friend of Lucas" captured Cape Haitien with 200 "insurgents," including killers, criminals and ex-henchmen from former regimes, and was threatening Port-au-Prince while the national police were fleeing, US embassy officials faced Aristide with the alternative of remaining in the capital without protection and facing the bandit hordes of Lucas’ friends, or to board a plane provided by Washington that would take him to Africa.

Among those "combatants for freedom," as Roger Noriega would call them, were Louis Joyel Chamblain, a paramilitary leader with a sinister reputation; and Emmanuel "Toto" Constant, who subsequently confessed his connections with the CIA.

DEMOCRACY, THE McCARRY VERSION

A recent compilation of articles from the official US press by Canadian researcher Aaron Mate and published on the Znet.org website, points to a long series of violent incidents in recent months that clearly demonstrate various characteristics of the democracy installed in Haiti thanks to Caleb McCarry and his accomplices.

On March 1, 2005, the Miami Herald reported how the previous day, Haitian police had opened fire on a march of 2,000 peaceful demonstrators in Port-au-Prince, killing two and injuring many. The protest was in commemoration of the coup against Aristide the year before.

The following March 24, AP described how the police had once again fired on demonstrators in the capital, killing one person. The cable noted that Associated Press reporters had seen offices firing into the air and at demonstrators.

On April 27, the police opened fire for the third time on demonstrators demanding the release of Aristide followers, killing five of them, AP reported.

On June 5, Reuters announced that up to 25 people were killed in police raids on the Friday and Saturday in marginal districts of the capital of Haiti, according to employees from a mortuary and witnesses. One of the witnesses, Ronald Macillon, said that the police killed many people and set fire to their homes.

Another Reuters cable, datelined July 15, reported how opposition groups and residents in marginal neighborhoods were saying that dozens of innocent people had been executed during raids by UN troops and Haitian police. Renan Hedouville, head of the Lawyers Committee for Individual Rights (CARLI), a highly respected group, noted that the victims included children and elderly people from the Bel-Air and Cité-Soleil districts.

On September 1, the Herald reported another massacre by police with assault rifles and black masks in Martissant on August 20, in the middle of a football match.

That attack left at least six dead and prompted concern among UN officials trying to stabilize this lawless city, where the police, working with gangs led by some unknown politician, carried out a cleansing operation prior to the November elections.

On August 30, the Washington Times noted that witnesses of the massacre said that they recognized some civilians armed with machetes as ?attachés;? in other words local criminals reported to be informants and killers hired by the police.

ASSOCIATE OF MEL MARTINEZ AND DIAZ-BALART

Aristide was kidnapped on February 28, 2004 by special U.S. forces and expelled from his own country. Blumenthal relates in his article how Condoleezza Rice woke Bush up in the middle of the night to tell him the news of the U.S. ?triumph? in the poorest country of the hemisphere.

On July 29, 2005, Condoleezza Rice, meanwhile appointed secretary of state, announced the designation of McCarry at the head of the Commission for Assistance to a Free Cuba; in other words, to intervene IN Cuba like on so many other occasions in the Caribbean.

McCarry’s appointment ceremony took place in the Treaties Hall of the Harry S. Truman building in the State Department, in the presence of two eminent members of the Miami mafia: Senator Mel Martínez, mentor of the Cuban Liberty Council, whose members are distinguished for their links with international terrorist Luis Posada Carriles; and Lincoln Díaz-Balart, the rabid congressman who boasts of his privileged relations with the most fanatical circles in South Florida.
 

                                                                                                  PRINT THIS ARTICLE


Editor-in-chief: Frank Aguero Gomez / Editor: Gabriel Molina Franchossi
HOSPEDAJE: Teledatos-Cubaweb
Granma International: http://www.granma.cu/
Also at: http://granmai.cubaweb.com/
http://www.granmai.cubasi.cu

E-mail | Index | Español | Français | Português | Deutsch | Italiano | Magazine
Only-Text |
Subscription Printed Edition
© Copyright. 1996-2005. All rights reserved. GRANMA INTERNATIONAL/ONLINE EDITION. Cuba.

UP