Côte d'Ivoire - Security Information

From independence from French rule in 1960 until his death in 1993, political life in Cote d’ Ivoire was dominated by Felix Houphouet-Boigny. He ruled the country without any effective challenge to his rule. Sporadic unrest was usually without cohesion, and political patronage was successfully used to defuse potential unrest. France (and French financial backing) has remained influential in Cote d’ Ivoire’s political and economic life. In early 1990 Cote d’ Ivoire experienced unprecedented political upheaval, influenced by regional tensions and compounded by the unresolved succession issue and the prospect of economic austerity – a precondition for assistance by international creditors. A stormy period followed which saw the introduction of a plural political system and the first multi-party presidential election, accompanied by heavy-handed security force interference. Houphouet-Boigny clung to power but died in 1993. He was immediately succeeded by the then president of the national assembly, Henri Konan Bédié. The increase in violent crime in Cote d’ Ivoire was of concern to the new government and in 1995 the national assembly approved proposals for legislation permitting the extension of the death penalty to cases of robbery with violence. Following a week of violence, due mainly to the exclusion of Alassane Dramane Ouattara from the presidential race, mainly because of doubts about his nationality, the 1995 presidential election was won by Bédié. Undercurrents of unrest continued, with reports of a coup attempt in 1996 by disaffected members of the armed forces. Gen Guei and other influential figures were removed from positions of power (in 1997 Guei was altogether dismissed from the army). Regular cabinet reshuffles became a feature of political life in the 1990s. By late 1999 Bedie’s authority and popularity had declined to such an extent that a mutiny amongst soldiers in Abidjan quickly became a national crisis. On 24 December it became clear that there was a coup in the making, led by Guei. This unexpected coup – although frowned upon by outsiders and the OAU – was widely welcomed in Cote d’ Ivoire and the new authorities rapidly succeeded in restoring order and calm. However, the apparent peace and calm did not last very long, for in 2000 the release of a draft constitution provoked a renewed political crisis. Also in 2000 groups of soldiers demanding bonus payments (for their part in the December coup!) mutinied and took to the streets of Abidjan. The disturbance was brought under control and later in the year, in a referendum, the revised constitution was accepted, including the clauses that granted immunity from prosecution to those involved in the 1999 coup. In late August Guei then decided to contest the upcoming presidential election – a decision criticised by many and resulting in renewed violence from members of the armed forces. Following the presidential election in October 2000², Guei declared himself the winner, sparking a violent uprising in which over 500 people were killed, and which saw him fleeing to Benin. The veteran opposition candidate Laurent Gbagbo was then declared the rightful winner. National Assembly elections were held in December 2000 and January 2001. In February 2001 a ruling coalition between the Front Populaire Ivorienne (FPI), the Democratic Party and the Ivorian Workers’ Party was formed.

Security Situation³

Relations between Cote d’ Ivoire and its neighbours are burdened by frequent cross-border violence and flows of refugees, principally from Liberia. In 1996 the armed forces established a new Western Operational Zone along the border with Liberia. Rebel factions fighting in Liberia’s civil war have repeatedly attacked villages in Cote d’ Ivoire. By 1997, agreement was reached with the UNHCR to repatriate the approximately 200 000 Liberians still living in the country. Fuelled by electoral politics, xenophobia has increased dramatically since 1999, forcing thousands of Burkinabe and Malian to flee the country. The migrant community in the country is quite large, numbering 5 – 6 million. For a while, Cote d’ Ivoire is experienced a period of unprecedented instability and uncertainty. Gbagbo’s mandate still appears comparatively weak, and the exclusion of the northern-based RDR leader, Alassane Dramane Ouattara has alienated the international community and deepened religious and regional rifts in the country. The army, which ruled the country for ten months in 2000 under General Guei remains a source of concern. Gbagbo has been working hard towards re-establishing national reconciliation and securing financial support from Western donors. So far, the response has been slow but encouraging. Student and opposition protests were instrumental in bringing about democratic change in the early 1990s. Clashes between students and the police have since been frequent. Strikes, marches and student militancy increased in 1999 and 2000. Farmers’ unions in the cocoa and coffee sectors have also put pressure on the government in the past. The liberalisation of the cocoa producer prices in mid-1999 led to unprecedented protests, with farmers blockading ports. They now demand a privately run price stabilisation fund.

In November 2001, a National Reconciliation Forum meant to bring together former and current leaders including Gbagbo, Guei, Bédié and Ouattara(“the big four”), barely managed to secure their presence. However, the resolutions of the forum were not expected to be binding on the state or its leaders. Another meeting of “the big four” was held behind closed doors in mid-January 2002 that increased expectations about some form of understanding between the leaders to reach a compromise and hopefully return the country to peace and internal stability. .

Security-Related Budget⁴

The defence budget for 2001 was US$136 million (a modest increase from the 2000 budget of US$134 million). US Foreign Military Assistance amounts to a significant US$5 million. Military expenditure in 1997 was 0.9 percent of GDP.

Political Oversight⁵

International Treaties/ Protocols/ Alliances⁶

Cote d’Ivoire is a member of the UN, WTO, OAU, ADB, UEMOA, ECOWAS, IOM, and the ACP.

International Community Involvement⁷

There is a French presence of some 680 personnel organised in a marine infantry batallion.

COTE D’ IVOIRE ARMED FORCES

Senior Personnel

Chief of Staff of the Army: Gen Mathias Doué

Structure⁸

Cote d’Ivoire maintains a small army with a ‘simple’ chain of command that runs from the president and the prime minister to the Chief of Staff of the armed forces. The minister of defence is probably more concerned with administrative than operational matters.

Bases

Defence Budget

The defence budget for 2001 was US$136 million (a modest increase from the 2000 budget of US$134 million). US Foreign Military Assistance amounts to a significant US$5 million.

Doctrine

Strength⁹

The estimated total active personnel in the armed forces number 13 900 (including a Presidential Guard and the Gendarmery). This figure is made up of army (6800), navy (900), air force (700), Presidential Guard (1100), Police (4400) and a Militia of 1500.

Military manpower fit for military service, Males aged 15-49: 2mn (2001 est).

Composition¹⁰

The army is organised into five operational zones, and consists of three infantry battalions, and one artillery battalion; one engineer company; one anti-aircraft company; one airborne company; one armoured battalion and one logistics group.

Training¹¹

The French have carried on assisting with training since independence and from time to time units and specialists are trained in France. The Cote d’ Ivoire’s French directed training establishments provide basic military technical training for personnel from the CAR, Gabon, Niger and Senegal.In 1997 Cote d’ Ivoire and France completed the joint exercise ‘Elephant’, ostensibly designed to assess and improve the former’s ability to participate in peacekeeping operations. This was followed in 1999 by Belgian and American training of a batttalion of the Cote d’ Ivoire armed forces for potential peacekeeping assignments (as part of the US-funded ACRI activity).

Defence Equipment: 2001¹²

	Type	Detail	Number
	Army
	AMX-13	Light Tank	5
	ERC-90 Sagaie	Reconnaisance	7
	AML-60/-90	Reconnaisance	16
	Mamba	Reconnaisance	10
	M-3	APC	16
	VAB	APC	13
	M-1950	Towed Artillery 105 mm	4
	AM-50	MOR 81 mm; 120 mm	16
	M-40A1	RCL 106 mm	e12
	M-3 VDA SP	AD Guns 20 mm	6
	L/60	AD Guns 40 mm	5
	Navy
	L’Ardent	Coastal Patrol	2
	L’Elephant	Amphibious	1
	Air Force
	Alpha Jet	FGA	5
	SA-318, SA-319, SA-330, SA-365C	Helicopter	7
	F-28, Gulfstream IV, Fokker 100, SA-330	Presidential Fleet	One each
	Beech F-33C	Training	3
	Reims Cessna 150H	Training	2
	Cessna 421	Liaison	1
	Super King Air 200	Liaison	1

Latest Procurement¹³

With foreign debt of US$13 billion and an estimated military procurement budget of US$20 million per annum it appears there will not be significant procurement activities. The French defence industry normally sells small numbers of surplus equipment to the Cote d’Ivoire armed forces; lately South African companies are reported to have become involved in the country. The most recent (1998) large purchase was a logistic support ship from the PRC.

Rebel Forces

None reported.

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Africa South of the Sahara 2001; Statesman’s Yearbook 2002.



Laurent Gbagbo (Front Populaire Ivorienne/FPI) obtained 52% of votes cast against 29% for Robert Guei (EIU Country Report February 2001).



EIU Country Report February 2001.



The Military Balance 2001-2002, IISS; Human Development Report 2001, UNDP



Stateman’s Yearbook 2002; EIU Country Report February 2001



The Stateman’s Yearbook, 2002



The Military Balance 2001-2002, IISS



Jane’s World Armies, Issue Seven



The Military Balance 2001-2002, IISS



Jane’s World Armies, Issue Seven



Ibid



The Military Balance 2001-2002, IISS



Jane’s World Armies, Issue Seven; The Military Balance 2001-2002, IISS